GNUnionize!

GNUnion invites you to network, self-organize, and stitch One Big Meshwork by linking like-minded peers and their network bases to each other strategically. We call everyone striving to build dynamic, free, libre, and open source spaces bottom up, to bring their collective agendas and strategies in touch and act upon them in an harmonized way.

GNUnion encourages all its peers to collectivize their individual social and communicational power to swarm around dynamical, creative and positive actions as much as possible. Such collective actions, as we have been witnessing, are capable of making a real impact at unpredicted magnitudes on chosen targets, regardless how large and powerful they are.

Combining peer to peer social relations and technologies and embedding them into all its internal and external processes and relationships, we ultimately aim at hyper-empowerment of all the nodes involved.

Below are some of the projects we are currently empowering by networking and self-organizing on the Organizing Network (ON), which is an online collaborative social networking tool provided by comrades at May First / People Link and Union Solidarity International. ON is build on Elg platform, developed by Lorea.

LabourLeaks - Exposing wrongdoings in the workplace

Work groups will initially scan and analyze the leaked documents that are released by Wikileaks, like the Global Intelligence Files as well as other groups like Anonymous, GlobalLeaks. What will we be looking for in such meta-data will be about violations against producer, designer, users and consumer rights; such as stolen data, planned obsolescence, illegal and dangerous material use, capture and misuse of user-costumer data including selling the data to companies, production related threats to workers and public health.

Further more we will networgansie multi-lingual whistle-blowing activities, primarily targeting largest TNC networks.

We will turn the information into secure campaign intelligence, either to use in global actions we will launch as GNUnion, or feed-in and support ongoing union actions. In cases where there is an already organized independent union active, weather in the main company or its subsidiary, we will support their actions by designing and forging global online viral campaigns.

Website: https://www.labourleaks.org/

Working Group: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/322/labourleaks

SaysUs – From anonymous complaint to coordinated action

This web site is a proposal for the creation of a web facility, Says-Us, that allows anonymous complaints about fulfillment  of basic needs, by people all over the world, in their own language. Says-Us will act as a portal, allowing millions of people to find each other and  find thousands of organizations that will help unify activity and respond to injustice and oppression.

Websitehttp://saysus.net/

Workgroup: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/972/saysus-workgroup

Hack the Global Production-Commodity Network 

Using global chain mapping tools and mapeo method to create a network of user-worker-designer groups in order to recover the knowledge of entire production lines and supply chains incorporated from them by the management systems such as Taylorist, Kaizen, or Quality Chamber type of worker-society control mechanisms.

Workgroup: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/329/global-commodity-production-network-mapping

UnionUpgraded 

GNUnion will help all other forms of unions at all organizational levels (base-membership-shop floor level-organization, management) in order to realize necessary organizational and networked transformations and to become hyperempowered organized networks strongly connected to the grassroots and society. We provide unions with cutting edge resources, links, ties, actions, exchanges, social media skill-sharing and self-education campaigns.

Workgroup: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/439/unionupgrading

Transnational solidarity with occuppied factories

This group will strive to support transnational solidarity networks being formed between occupied factories around the world, with resources, actions, exchanges, social media skill-sharing and self-education campaigns.

Workgroup: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/340/transnational-solidarity-with-occuppied-factories

MetaStrike – Social, networked, wiki, floss, and distributed 

Our first direct and mesh networked action will be a transnational meta-strike to target PRISM contractors. Priority objectives of the strike will be forcing the state elite and capital to hand-off private and public data, and stop abusing people and democratic rights for their commercial and tyrannical objectives. The action will reclaim what is ‘social’ and belong to people in societal communication and bring about mass awareness about using FLOSS!

We will bring high-tech and industrial workers, hackers, system admins, digital artists and activists and their powers coming from production, consumption, communication and knowledge -so a being social individuals and society.

Workgroup: https://on.usilive.org/groups/profile/323/mayfirst-meta-strike

P2PSolidFund

If you like to support GNUnion financially please do send not more then 5 unit (euro, usd, ytl, etc.) in form of the currency valid in your country, to below account. The amount sent by peers for solidarity will be used only for covering project related costs and the amount over due will be shared with the projects we are collaborating with and other projects sharing the floss, p2p, commons, or hackers’ ethic principles. Account details including all transactions will be published publicly on the GNUnion website on the first day of every month : http://gnunion.wordpress.com/p2psolidarityfunding/ ‎

Name:  O. Senalp

Account No.: 0678 1157 96

Bank name: ING B.V.

IBAN: NL20 INGB 0678 1157 96

Posted in GNUnion, Internationalism, Movements, Networks, Organisation, Organising, P2P, Participation, Solidarity, The Organizing Network, Transition, Utopia, Wikistrike | 2 Comments

SaysUs Project Seeks FLOSS Collaborators

Dear friends,

SaysUs just has become affiliated to May First / People Link (https://mayfirst.org), which has been providing useful IT services to the activists and movements around the world.  We did just send the below text to the comrades involved in and collaborate each other at May First / People Link networked cooperative. Yet our call is open to all floss developers, commoners, activists and anyone who shares the vision that we tried to formulate in the text as simple as possible. We invite all comrades around the world who share similar values and virtues to join us and engage with our comrades at May First / People Link network.

Here is our call:

“Says-Us (see http://www.saysus.net) is a new member of May First / People Link.  We propose the creation of a web facility, a portal, to facilitate the ability of millions of people to tell their own stories, to write anonymous complaints, about work, housing, health care, schools, unemployment, prison, government, almost anything, as it affects them.

Many job related web sites have already shown that, given the chance to safely complain, people will do so. Unfortunately, existing corporate sites are oriented towards helping employers find cheap labor, and to sell advertising, not to helping change workplace practices. Non-corporate sites are particular to one union or reform organization and are not sufficiently generalized or allowing of self-organization.

Jobvent.com collected as many as 100K complaints about 10K companies. The complaints were then destroyed when jobvent was acquired by Glassdoor.com. Sites like glassdoor are spaces where hard-to-organize flex-jobs seekers may read about and learn from each other’s experiences. But site users are not offered any course of action except the obvious – to avoid employment at the worst offender companies.

Says-Us will be different from job-recruitment sites and complaint forums because it will offer users opportunities for self-organization, the ability to find and address each other, as well as assistance, and organizational help to those who want it. Site users will be able to find others with similar complaints, by organization and location.  If they work for the same company (anywhere in the world), have the same landlord, are dealing with the same predatory bank, government, etc they will be able to find each other by anonymous site id.  They can pick thresholds of action, and choose from many forms of action, should they decide to do so.

Best practices, “pros”, will also be collected, allowing users to identify organizations that both have good employment practices as well as socially useful product.  Labor unions, labour activists and trans-local social justice and community organizing / collective action / activists will be able to be “found” on the site by those in need of their services and open to their messages.

We would like to develop the ideas and build the site in line with open-source and libre philosophy: p2p, distributed, highly secure, scalable, not-for-profit, user extendable (by data fields), enabling self-organizing and empowerment, multi-lingual, web and especially mobile applicable. A simple user interface will allow people to move readily from complaints and issues to self-empowerment, self-organizing, and self determined communication and action through existing organizations.

Gateways to whistleblowing projects (like Wikileaks, Associated Whistleblowers Press, LabourLeaks, or WildLeaks) or progressive and independent unions, or relevant how-to, self-learn or Do-It-Yourself projects, hacker spaces, mediaLabs and other alternative economy-solidarity networks can be offered in the Take Action section.

As May First / People Link members can see, this potentially important facility would need help from people of many interests, skills, and dedication. We would need help with requirements, understanding of technological possibilities and needs, simple and attractive user interface design, security and scalability, coding, open-source knowledge, coordination, legal help, multi-language translation, and financial help.

At the monent we use a doku wiki build in on our online workgroup (https://on.usilive.org/dokuwiki/972/) on the Organizing Network -which is project being developed by another may first / people link member, Union Solidarity International. Since you need to register Organizing Network to log in and join the group, we might use another location [like a SaysUs media-wiki] to develop the ideas for the site, the user interface, and other requirements.

We would love for any form of assistance possible from MayFirst members. We, Frank and Örsan, (http://saysus.net/who-are-we/) care most that the project be implemented well, by many people of skill, vision and of passion for justice, democracy, freedom, and equality. Please get in touch with us, for a discussion or to help. There is a contact form at the bottom of the who-are-we page.”

The concept is still draft, as you see, and we seek any kind of solidarity to build it further. We would appreciate if you join us and / or pass our word to your comrades you know or think who might be interested in joining their labour and creativity with us, and make SaysUs a working global platform.

In solidarity

Posted in Activism, communication, Exchange, FLOSS, Free Information, GNUnion, Immigrants, Labour, networkers, Networks, Organising, orgnet, P2P, p2p intelligence, Participation, Solidarity, The Organizing Network, unions | 2 Comments

Rethinking Labour as Social-Network-Movement

Very recently valuable and concrete reflections are being published, filling in the public understanding of the nature and dynamics of the most-recent social and emancipatory uprisings, known also as Global Revolution. The recent articles written by Bernardo Gutiérrez and Rodrigo Nunes, both involved in the 15M, Occupy, Gezi, and Brazilian uprisings and were systematically putting their self-reflections together in wider framework of a collaborative action-research network also named as Global Revolution, are highly informative and pedagogic. They explain masterfully why transnational ‘organization’ of the global ‘revolution’ is qualitatively different then what we have understood from traditional use of the concepts of ‘organization’ and ‘revolution’. Another important resource was produced by Adrià Rodriguez who have also been very active in 15M, as well as other ‘network movements’ since 201-11, and linked to the Global Revolution Research Network.

I have been involved more directly in Take The Square, Occupy,  and Gezi movement/networks as Bernardo, Rodrigo and Adria, met them online, may be many times under various nick-names and worked together, and still do so. On the other hand I was busy with developing an understanding of the emergent new labour class practices and experiences. My work at Social Network Unionism and  Networked Labour blog/networks have heavily owed to the previous work done by people like Peter Waterman, Hilary Wainwright, Marco Berlinguer, Mayo Fuster as much as others they have been collaborating around the Networked Politics initiative. I was modifying and reshaping this work based on my direct experience. Below papers and reports are those that I published on various digital spaces since the beginning of the 2011 uprisings. Now it seems very worthy to put them together in a chronological order and reproduce once more: Continue reading

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Welcome to LabourLeaks | LabourLeaks.org

 

OK. You know about press leaks: they are as old as the press. You know about the famous/notorious online Wikileaks, this is only seven years old and is one part of the subversive/emancipatory capacity of the web. There are increasing numbers of such leaks, produced by particular groups for particular purposes, for different kinds of public.

Well, we are labour activists, long active both on the shopfloor and online. And we have ourselves had bad experience with company secrecy and ‘managerial prerogatives’: some of us have been disciplined or sacked for exposing information that is essential for ourselves or our fellow workers. This is why we have created

Posted in Activism, Anonymous, cyberunions, Hackers, Internationalism, Labour, Manning, Movements, networkers, Networks, Organisation, Organising, p2p intelligence, Participation, Solidarity, unions, Wikileaks | 1 Comment

Transnational networks of radical labour research and (h)activism: A global working class in the making

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Unite the Union’s USI mediates the established union world entering into the networked organising (networganizing) era

The below are Google Hangout videos taken from the USI’s website:

i. Hack the Union from US interviews with Andrew of Union Solidarity International: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=4U4FNAkZtSc

ii.  A small step for unions, but a giant step for global labour
emancipation?: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=k6BmWC5lr8Y

This following link is to a nice article by Walton Patland introducing the ON platform:
http://www.scoop.it/t/networked-labour/p/4017080234/2014/03/05/karl-marx-on-facebook-what-is-the-ideology-of-your-social-network?hash=fd4c16ef-09d3-468d-a043-3b8de2a28135

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Posted in 15M, Activism, Alliances, Assemblies, communication, cyberunions, Exchange, GNUnion, Hybrids, Internationalism, mobilisation, Movements, Networked labour, networkers, Networks, Occupy, Organisation, Organising, orgnet, P2P, Participation, Solidarity, unions | 1 Comment

Open Source and Libre Worker-to-Worker Activist-to-Activist Self Traning Material on New Social Media

Source

Worker to worker transnational exchange at the shop-floor level : Social media and online networking guide for shop stewards and union activists

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CYBERUNIONS EPISODE 87 YES INDYREF YES!

Updates

  • Stephen is in Mexic—-Scotland!!
  • We have been Civi…er…busy
  • Been on a pub crawl er… podcrawl kevie & mcnalu

Tech

Labor

  • Walton goes Independent to explain the details of the campaign for an Independent Scotland
  • Stephen asks some detailed questions
  • More info for Radical Independence

Feedback

  • Welcome new listeners
  • Stephen highly recommends a book Strike For America and goes into detail about the book being a good read for activists and a model for reforming a union
Play
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The Slow Death of the Socialist International by Dan Gallin

Original post

Dan Gallin at the International Summer School

Talk at the Global Labour Institute International Summer School 2014. Video available here.

- By Dan Gallin

The Socialist International is the organization of the world’s socialist, social-democratic and labour parties, by a loose definition. Its headquarters are in London (Maritime House, Clapham).

It is the successor organization of the historical Internationals of the labour movement, the First (International Working Men’s Association) (1864-1879), the Second (Labour International) (1889-1916), which split three ways during World War I and reconstituted itself as the Labour and Socialist International (LSI) in 1923 The LSI did not survive World War II and the present Socialist International was founded in 1951 in Frankfurt as its successor.

At the last count, it had 162 member parties in 100 countries, and it is now in a deep crisis which reflects the crisis of most of its members, certainly its most influential ones.

Why is any of this important?

Because socialism has been the ideological foundation of most of the world’s trade union movement, not necessarily always in the same acceptance of the term, and today we are faced with a crisis of socialism, which is principally a crisis of the meaning of socialism.

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A frank but hopeful assessment of FLOK process by Michel Bauwens | On the Commons

Michel Bauwens, founder of the P2P Foundation, was invited to chair a research team exploring the possibilities for “fundamentally re-imagining” Ecuadorian socity on the basis of commoning, open networks and peer production.  The Quito-based project sought ideas from people of all walks of life for 10 months, and released their Transition Plan (available in English here)  in June. Bauwens offers his personal analysis of the process below.

(A chart from the Ecuador Transition Plan by Michel Bauwens)

From now on, a concrete third way that is different from both statism and neoliberalism, does exist and can be discussed.

I was director of the FLOK research team, [which in late June finished up its work sponsored by the government of Ecuador to “fundamentally re-imagine” the country based on the principles of the commons]. Many people have asked about my assessment of the results of the process. The FLOK process was a complex process and the assessment can only be complex as well.

One of the first questions, and critiques, is about the relationship with the government itself.

Continue reading

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A study of a**holes reveals the narcissistic and self-destructive mico-foundations of Capitalist Class Society | via Ah Uhm

A remarkable cognitive behavioral research conducted by Piff, Australia, is to reveal the narcissistic and self-destructive mico-foundations of the Capitalist Class Society. The below article is originally published by AlterNet on July 9, 2014.

‘The A**hole Effect’: What Wealth Does to the Brain

As people get richer, they are more likely to feel entitled, to exploit others, and to cheat.

Call it the asshole effect. That is the term coined by US psychologist Paul Piffafter he did some stunning new research into the effects of wealth and inequality on people’s attitudes.

As we ponder [Australian politician] Joe Hockey’s budget and his division of the world into “leaners” and “lifters”, as we learn from Oxfam that the richest 1% of Australians now own the same wealth as the bottom 60%, we would do well to consider the implications of Piff’s studies. He found that as people grow wealthier, they are more likely to feel entitled, to become meaner and be more likely to exploit others, even to cheat.

Piff conducted a series of revealing experiments. One was remarkably simple. Researchers positioned themselves at crossroads. They watched out for aggressive, selfish behaviour among drivers, and recorded the make and model of the car. Piff found drivers of expensive, high-status vehicles behave worse than those sputtering along in battered Toyota Corollas.

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Guanyem: Commons Barcelona!

Pedrera-by-Paragona

We are living in an exceptional time that demands brave, creative initiatives. If we are able to imagine a different city, we will have the power to transform it.”

“There was a belief in the revolution and the future, a feeling of having suddenly emerged into an era of equality and freedom. Human beings were trying to behave as human beings and not as cogs in the capitalist machine.” This is how George Orwell described the city of Barcelona during the anarchist revolution of 1936 in his classic Homage to Catalonia. A short-lived dream that was soon to be crushed by Franco’s fascist regime.

Almost 80 years later, the City Hall of Barcelona sells a very different dream to the world. An over-developed,highly commercialized Barcelona that has become a theme park for tourists, who blissfully wander the streets of the charming metropolis, unaware of the harsh difficulties many of its citizens are actually going through. The clash between those two Barcelonas is becoming increasingly intolerable, as seen in the recent struggles over the eviction of self-organized community squat/centers such as Can Vies, among others.

However, that spirit Orwell once sensed in Barcelona never really died. The Spanish revolutionaries of today may not be fighting fascism with weapons, but they are fighting neoliberalism with real democracy. That’s what the 15-M movement is all about, a movement that is now evolving into various efforts to take people’s assemblies from the streets to the political institutions. At a national level, the most relevant are Movimiento por la DemocraciaPartido X and Podemos, whose front man Pablo Iglesias was chosen by the Confederal Group of the United Left (GUE) as a candidate for the Presidency of the European Parliament, no less! Catalonia also has its own bottom-up political organizations, such as Procés Constituent (with its charismatic leader, Teresa Forcades) and CUP, which already has three representatives in the Catalan Parliament.

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#ISS14: Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and the Trade Union Movement 7 July 2014

#ISS14: Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and the Trade Union Movement

Talk by Asbjørn Wahl, Fagforbundet (Norwegian Union of Municipal and General Employees) and Bill Fletcher, American Federation of Government Employees

How do we revive the global union movement?

- By Josiah Mortimer

The global labour movement is at a crossroads.

Bill Fletcher. Picture by Leif Martin Green

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#ISS14: The International Trade Union Movement  7 July 2014 – By Dave Spooner

A brief guided tour around the political and organisational landscape of the movement – for participants new to international trade union discussions.

Highlights

  • Dave Spooner explains it’s very hard to find an example of the ITUC’s concept of ‘decent work’ in today’s economy
  • The ILO was formed in 1919 in response to the Russian Revolution – Dave Spooner describes it as a ‘theatre of class warfare’!
  • Some unions are turning to the World Federation of Trade Unions, however problematic, in a search for class-based unionism
  • Climate change is one of the most pressing issues workers face globally
  • Most European trade union structures are dependent on EU finance, which can be difficult under neoliberalism says Dave Spooner
  • Passing a pro-worker motion in the ILO is just the ‘beginning of the battle’ before state ratification says GLI chair Dave Spooner
  • ‘Domestic workers have faced enormous abuse across the world’
  • There is a tension within unions as to whether the labour movement should be anti-capitalist – an issue we will have to face
  • Precarious work is on the rise in the global north. How should unions organise those workers?
  • ‘Gone are the days when a union official could knock on the door of a factory, talk to the manager and then have a union’
  • Everybody was an informal worker before the trade union movement – it was only through organising that employment standards rose
  • Unions across the world are questioning their relationships with ‘social democratic’ parties which have become more neoliberal
  • ITUC General Secretary Sharan Burrow has described the situation for unions across the globe as a ‘labour war’ by neoliberalism
  • Delegate: neoliberalism is ‘capitalism without working-class opposition’ – a political project against workers

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The Tragedy of The Private, The Potential of The Public

From South Africa to Brazil, from Italy to the US, in Uruguay, Greece, Norway, the UK and in many other countries, municipal councils are taking services back under public control. Public Service workers and their fellow community members are not only defending public services but are also struggling to make them democratic and responsive to the people’s needs and desires.

This report co-published by Public Services international and the Transnational Institute surveys anti-privatisation campaigns by PSI affiliates around the world. From South Africa to Brazil, from Italy to the US, in Uruguay, Greece, Norway, the UK and in many other countries, municipal councils are taking services back under public control.

Over the past 30 years, since Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan gained office, it is clear that the problems the welfare state was designed to alleviate – hunger, disease, unemployment, poor living conditions – have thrived once again, as these dogmatically pro-market politicians drove the destruction of the model. In the case of too much of the Global South, their ideology contributed to blocking attempts to build public services where they are most needed.

It is now clear that public service managers and local politicians, those taking decisions on the front line of public services, are in practice rejecting the claims of private business and their political champions. They are asserting pragmatically an understanding of ‘efficiency’ that is based on a different logic from that of private commercial accounting. Instead it is grounded in an understanding of the distant concept of ‘public value’ – the meeting of social needs – as the central criteria for efficiency in the management of public services. This turning point is drawn from their everyday experience of the failure of services delivered by private business.

How can we strengthen this pragmatic – and still modest – turn away from privatisation, to challenge the national and international institutions that continue to drive outsourciing and impose it on an increasingly disaffected public? And how can this pragmatic rejection of the private market in the sphere of public goods become a source of energy and creativity, sparking a process of improving and expanding public services to meet the new needs and desires that have emerged in recent decades? These are the questions which this booklet seeks to answer.

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Posted in Labour, Participation, Solidarity, unions | 2 Comments

Unity sans Convergence (Political Self-organization Models for Hyperlinked Multitudes)

Originally posted on Guerrilla Translation!:

15 MImage by Olmo Calvo

Madrilonia/@PinkNoiseRev

Translated by Stacco Troncoso, edited by Jane Loes Lipton -Guerrilla Translation!

Original text in Spanish

The 15-M movement seems to be at an impasse, unsure of how to make use of its multiple victories and enormous public support. To break out of this situation, numerous organizations, assemblies and collectives are repeatedly appealing to the ideal of unity (amongst the political left, the movement, the “bottom 99”) as a means of reaching the necessary levels of coordination needed for standing up to, and defeating, the government and markets. However, so far it doesn’t seem like their ideals-inspired efforts have led to any noticeable improvement in the organisational capacity of the movement. Prior to the birth of 15M, it was not uncommon to see initiatives by the political left coalescing around ideals of convergence, coordination and unity, with generally poor results. Our hypothesis is that…

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Global Labour Institute International Summer School 2014 #ISS14

The third GLI International Summer School will be held from Monday 7th – Friday 11th July 2014 at Northern College in Barnsley, UK. The aim of the Summer School is to bring together trade union activists from around the world to debate and question what are, and what should be, the politics of the international trade union movement.

This year, up to 100 participants will be attending the Summer School – including delegations from national unions and global union federations, invited trade union activists, labour movement researchers and educators.

Most participants who attend the school are nominated by supportive unions, union federations and organisations. If you’re interested in attending the Summer School, get in contact with your union in the first instance.

If you have any further queries about the Summer School, drop us an email at gli-uk@global-labour.net

The Programme

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Pale Blue Dot: A Vision of the Human Future in Space, by Carl Sagan

File:PaleBlueDot.jpg

“From this distant vantage point, the Earth might not seem of any particular interest. But for us, it’s different. Consider again that dot. That’s here. That’s home. That’s us. On it everyone you love, everyone you know, everyone you ever heard of, every human being who ever was, lived out their lives. The aggregate of our joy and suffering, thousands of confident religions, ideologies, and economic doctrines, every hunter and forager, every hero and coward, every creator and destroyer of civilization, every king and peasant, every young couple in love, every mother and father, hopeful child, inventor and explorer, every teacher of morals, every corrupt politician, every “superstar,” every “supreme leader,” every saint and sinner in the history of our species lived there – on a mote of dust suspended in a sunbeam.

The Earth is a very small stage in a vast cosmic arena. Think of the rivers of blood spilled by all those generals and emperors so that in glory and triumph they could become the momentary masters of a fraction of a dot. Think of the endless cruelties visited by the inhabitants of one corner of this pixel on the scarcely distinguishable inhabitants of some other corner. How frequent their misunderstandings, how eager they are to kill one another, how fervent their hatreds. Our posturings, our imagined self-importance, the delusion that we have some privileged position in the universe, are challenged by this point of pale light. Our planet is a lonely speck in the great enveloping cosmic dark. In our obscurity – in all this vastness – there is no hint that help will come from elsewhere to save us from ourselves.

The Earth is the only world known, so far, to harbor life. There is nowhere else, at least in the near future, to which our species could migrate. Visit, yes. Settle, not yet. Like it or not, for the moment, the Earth is where we make our stand. It has been said that astronomy is a humbling and character-building experience. There is perhaps no better demonstration of the folly of human conceits than this distant image of our tiny world. To me, it underscores our responsibility to deal more kindly with one another and to preserve and cherish the pale blue dot, the only home we’ve ever known.”

—Carl Sagan, Pale Blue Dot: A Vision of the Human Future in Space, 1997 reprint, pp. xv–xvi

Posted in Utopia | 1 Comment

Can Bourgeois Democratic Revolution 2.0 Happen without Turning the Earth to Venus?

Pillar10-History-French-Revolution-Delacroix

There are major differences yet again major similarities between what happened in 1648′s Britain, late 1776′s America, and 1789′s France when popular bourgeoisie democratic revolutions were taking place. Today we observe similar great-power-hand-over approaching between ruling classes, cluster of class fractions, this time at a global scale.

Working class forming itself at the global level as well. While highest-skill knowledge and ICT managers are forming a new labour aristocracy, who are both willing to and capable to enter alliances with the emerging silicon-valley capitalists running Google, Facebook, Twitter, and also preparing to take over from Apple and Microsoft’s midway (Gates-Jobs) generation. But also envisaging new forms of socio-political systems, like ‘distributed and commons based ‘minarcies’. A fierce dog-fight is taking place right now amongst the layers of the networks of the emerging new elite class. Yet a bigger fight is in between this new class and the layers of the ‘old boys capitalist networks’, which have been formed by the rulers of the military-industrial-financial-complexes of the industrial era.

What the recent scandals like PRISM, NSA, GCHQ displayed however is that these new players are gaining a massive structural power, giving them superiority and higher position vis-à-vis their counterparts. They gain the ability to play the most aesthetical, like being the voice of the youth and innocent, providing tools for participation, democracy, and revolution; they also claim to be caring for and having solutions in mind for the climate change. Of course all this is bull shit, they do not, but they have the position to bring this claims on. The new class has been playing out this structural position well in these dog fights, by employing the advantageous negotiation power with and over ‘the State’.

Mass scale civil-popular surveillance [meta-data] machine is much more powerful, operational and also cheaper then the systems that could have been developed and employed by the State elite. The information, intelligence, and access to sensitive personal knowledge is a great advantage in the framework capitalistic competition in the market as well. In the fight over who will hold the state, it meant that the new elite can promise more soft and hegemonic political power to the state elite then the old boys capitalists could do by using the monetary and military means. For instance, think of the influence would critical intelligence -formed based on personal sensitive information which can be traced by these Nasdaq companies- could make on the stock markets, deploying the viral power of social networks. It is sure that it can be bigger than the buy-sell power of large hedge funds.

All these fights has generated immense tension and destruction in all the realms, of economy, finance, politics, culture, nature, so on. What was appearing as a global ‘economic crisis’ to our eyes, after being filtered by the mass media serving to the old boys ruling classes, were the tensions and destructions caused by the fight. This time, however, all these selfish and childhood fights between these ignorant and savage classes has generated a positive feedback cycle that leads the planet towards an end that will not distinguish between the ruler and the ruled. The overlapping crises are leading us towards what can be called the ‘Venusization of the Earth’. Which means that the massive carbon emission, caused by the destructive forces of the economic structure works for the ruling classes, might any time trigger a irreversible chain reaction by releasing more and more carbon molecules to the atmosphere. Turning it to a very tight greenhouse effect keeping the heat generated by the sun light and warming up Earth’s surface rapidly. This will vaporize the oceans, sees, drinkable water on and near the surface; destroy the plants, all vegetables, so there will be no Oxygen left. Although there were no human intervention, this is exactly what happened to planet Venus.

This scenario unfortunately comes closer to reality every day, because of the amount of carbon the system releases to keep going with its exploitation of the nature. It is almost hundred percent certain that this course will be ending the entire life-cycle on Earth for once and for all, with no turning back, before we see any bourgeoisie revolution 2.0, which aims at more democratic and distributed capitalism, happening. The wars and civil wars this fierce competition started off is spreading, while they kill innocent people and children they also bring accelerated carbon release with every bomb dropped, in every sabotaged pipe line, and every burning oil station. When the nuclear arsenal enter the picture, this will mean a rapid end, for humanity including those elite, if it possible at all to see these people as Humans.

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A Charter for Democracy – Movimiento por la Democracia

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A CHARTER FOR DEMOCRACY

This Charter was born of a deep malaise: lack of prospects, mass unemployment, cuts in social rights and benefits, evictions, political and financial corruption, dismantling of public services. It was drafted in reaction to the social majority’s growing lack of confidence in the promises of a political system devoid of legitimacy and the ability to listen.

The two-party system, widespread corruption, the financial dictatorship imposed by austerity policies and the destruction of public goods have dealt the final blow to a democracy long suffering from its own limits. These limits were already present in the 1978 Constitution. They can be summarized as a political framework that neither protects society from the concentration of power in the hands of the financial groups, nor from the consolidation of a non-representative political class. This political framework has established a system which is hardly open to citizen participation, and unable to construct a new system of collective rights for our protection and common development. This is evident in the fact that, despite some very significant public demonstrations, the demands of the vast majority of the population have repeatedly been ignored.

Faced with this institutional stonewalling and the growing separation between the rulers and the ruled, it seems there’s only one way out: a deep expansion of democracy based on citizen control over political and economic power. Surely, since what’s left of democracy is constantly shrinking and attempts at internal reform would only mean repeating the same mistakes, we must take a chance on changing the rules of the game – a democratic change, geared toward returning to society the effective decision-making ability over all which concerns it.

Chaos and dictatorship are not the only alternatives to the current democracy. A democracy created among all people is possible – a democracy not reduced to merely voting, but founded on participation, citizen control and equal rights.

This Charter emerged from the desire to contribute to this process of democratization. In this sense, it contributes from a place of joy, from the energy of citizen mobilizations, from politics happening outside political parties, speaking in first person plural and trying to build a life worth living for everyone. No doubt the impetus is democracy itself. People have the ability to invent other forms of governing themselves and living together. This text was created with the assurance that today’s struggles are the basis of the coming democracy.

As this is a proposal of democratization, this Charter is presented as an unfinished, long-term construction project, openly inviting anyone to participate. This charter isn’t meant to be a political program or an exhaustive catalogue of rights, nor does it pretend to be a static State model. Given our investment in democratization, it simply points towards the basic, necessary elements needed to reconstruct a new institutional model that is open to the collective needs, proposals and capacity for self-governance that has recently found its voice throughout streets, squares and networks. Seen this way, the participative, deliberative process we yearn for matters as much as its content, which should always be a faithful reflection of the proposals and aspirations of the citizenry.

In essence, this Charter calls for opening a new process of debate, leading to a political and economic restructuring to guarantee life, dignity and democracy. It’s presented here as a contribution towards establishing a new social contract, a process of democratic reform in which the people — the “anyones”— are the true protagonists.

It’s time for the citizens to appropriate public institutions and resources, in order to ensure their defense, control and fair distribution. In the public squares and networks, we’ve learned something simple and conclusive which will forever change our way of being in the world. We’ve learned that yes, we can.

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Rights and Guarantees

A democracy worthy of the name requires universal recognition of a wide constellation of rights related to all areas of public life and social reproduction. The decline in access to benefits and social services, the plundering by the financial dictatorship, and the dismantling of public welfare systems by austerity policies in recent decades have all significantly undermined the means of effectively exercising these rights. Similarly, access to many of these rights is conditional upon nationality and employment status, which has ended up producing major exclusion. Moreover, the subordinate nature of social rights in the current Constitution has not allowed sufficient development of certain fundamental issues such as housing, employment and income.

In short, both the inherent limits of the current system and the impotence of the Spanish political regime in protecting the most basic of rights are strong enough reasons for the creation of a new institutional system of rights and guarantees that enable caring, the development of our lives, and access to political life.

This Charter puts forward a common starting point for defining a new system of rights. Today, these rights have arisen from the demands and struggles of society itself, and expressed through its multiple forms of organization and participation; as such they are the highest expression of the act of democracy.

These rights redefine social relations, the production and distribution of wealth, and relations between nation-states according to a concept of the human being as a subject with the right to autonomy, but still in deep interdependence with the common space s/he inhabits. To this extent, these rights oppose being characterized as merely individual attributions. These rights must be recognized from both a universal as well as a singular dimension.

In order to guarantee these rights, we require an institutional framework that recognizes and promotes access to an active and democratic political life, and the recognition of the right to collective and direct participation as a real opportunity for the expression of the citizens’ desire to decide on everything which significantly affects the community. This framework should also be fully inclusive; one that accepts that we live in a global world, and acknowledges people’s right to migrate and/or settle where they see fit, in order to live life fully. A framework that could safeguard a life – our own – which, being interdependent, requires protection. This would comprise institutions specifically designed to ensure social reproduction, while neither delegating care labor to particular social groups nor permitting the privatization of that labor. A framework which also guarantees and extends all the rights already recognized in existing frameworks, constitutions and declarations of human rights, and which also recognizes the environment wherein life takes place as a rights-holder that should be carefully defended. This framework must, in the end, recognize society as a source of rights, therefore it must be considered open and under constant construction.

The basic principles which inspire a new, robust Bill of Rights with a guarantee of institutional means are:

  • Universality. All residents will have the same consideration and access to resources that guarantee the effective exercise of their rights.
  • Singularity: Recognizing that there are realities, forms of organization and a diversity of needs, different types of rights must be taken into account, including specific forms of recognition as well as human resources and economic requirements, to the extent that we must preserve such diversity.
  • No regression. Public authorities are not entitled, once these rights are recognized, to interpret them restrictively or to reduce them.
  • Equality. Given that all rights — civil, political and social — are fundamental to the development of people’s lives, the relationship among them must be protected and cared for with the same constitutional and legal guarantees.
  • Multi-institutional and democratic guarantee. Rights should not only be guaranteed by jurisdictional means but also through citizen participation and extra‑institutional organisms created by the persons entitled to the rights themselves. The social participation in the recognition, extension and guarantee of rights through the institutions of direct election and citizen intervention procedures must be explicitly admitted.
  • Financial sufficiency. The development of these rights must be ensured with the necessary economic means. These means will be provided by fiscal reform measures established in the following paragraphs of this Charter.

Finally, it is understood that a subject of rights is also a subject of responsibilities, insofar as she or he is part of a community built around a common project. These responsibilities extend to the environment we inhabit, and include accepting the responsibility to care for it, protect it and enable its reproduction, and in doing so, our own. Such responsibility involves all citizens, but is distributed according to the differences of wealth and ability.Carta_por_la_Democracia_1pag-12red (1)

Political Democracy

The crisis has shown that the decisions of the political class are increasingly controlled by financial interests, and therefore, that democratic Government is conditioned by private enterprise. This situation has lasting repercussions, having provoked a major crisis of legitimacy and representation, aggravated by a state of continued corruption and underscoring the serious lack of existing democratic control.

In any case, the limits of the political system are not recent; rather, they’re structural. These problems can be summed up as: bipartisanship; one-party government in most autonomous communities; difficulty creating new political options; media monopolies; and, especially, the enormous legal difficulties in reforming a Constitution which, moreover, has never been approved by most of the current population.

This is compounded by the fact that political parties – the major players in political life – have turned into a self-serving class, primarily geared towards its own propagation. Without a doubt, institutional obstacles to direct participation hamper the imagination and formation of a political framework founded upon the direct involvement of ordinary people in public affairs..

The decline of the current democracy manifests itself in neglecting the demands of different sectors of society, thus magnifying the distance between legislated policies and what the people say they need. This growing gap between the rulers and the ruled results in the democratic deficit of a system that has prioritized governability over representation and respect for minorities.

The limits of the current democratic system cannot be resolved from the same position from which they arose. Therefore, in order to establish a true democracy, an overhaul is needed.

This Charter advocates a form of democracy capable of returning decision-making power concerning the fundamental aspects of life back to the population. A democracy based on participation in social and political life, one which enables joint decisions on how we want to live. It is, therefore, a wager on a new political agreement built in an open way and with the active participation of citizens. A new agreement based on the recognition of society’s capacity to organize, create institutions, and self-govern.

The construction of this democracy requires a series of agile, effective, and transparent mechanisms articulated on different levels and geared towards both deepening direct participation and the control of delegation, via representation, as deemed appropriate.

Some actions that could give shape to a new democratic political system are as follows:

1. Democratization of public authorities

  • Control of representation. Revocable mandates by a social majority and absolute transparency both in public accounts and the actions of the various organs of Government. Tightening of controls and penalties related to corruption, and the development of independent supervisory authorities with competence over different public institutions. Economic and temporal limits on political appointments: salary caps; an incompatibility regime before, during and after the appointment; and effective limits on the duration of the mandate.
  • Democratization of the internal functioning of the parties. Transparency in party financing, clearly democratic internal statutes, and autonomy of the vote of representatives to ensure the internal plurality of organizations.
  • Reform of the electoral representation system. Removing privileges accorded to parties in the assignation of representatives; modification of lists system; eliminating minimum quota of proportionality; mechanisms of recognition and respect of minorities, as well as balance between the different territories.
  • These mechanisms for democratization, openness and citizen control will be extended to other areas of collective representation, such as social and labor organizations, as well as the media, given their relevance in public life.

2. Recognition and extension of the ways of participation and direct democracy

  • Recognition and expansion of direct democracy tools, such as popular legislative initiatives, referendums and virtual tools of participation.
  • Recognition of citizen control instruments in all areas of the main branches of government, as well as on public accounts. The recognition of such instruments requires transparency laws and the development of flexible mechanisms for public hearing. Recognition of other social organizations acting as control mechanisms or political representatives.
  • Developing mechanisms for collective deliberation: Favoring the development of methodologies for democratic deliberation, both virtual and analog, that promote shared decision making. These mechanisms will be essential in the development of new legislations and their budgets.
  • Extension of the mechanisms enabling direct participation at all administrative levels, and management of public goods and common assets such as school boards, health councils, labor councils as well as local, regional and inter-regional councils.

3. Recognition of popular constituent power as the ultimate source of the constitution and the powers of the State

  • Promotion of a model of open constitutionalism which allows reformation of constitutional standards from below, prevents foreseeable constitutional stonewalling, enables citizen reform initiatives and promotes permanent deliberation.
  • The autonomous, independent forging of institutions for the self-regulation and development of rights generated by the social structure itself will be recognized and favored.

A mature political democracy will not only allow for the real and effective separation of the different powers of the state, but also for direct citizen control of the latter. According to this charter, the judiciary, state police, and security forces will also be subject to the same requisites of transparency, democratization and citizen control. Its ranking heads shall not be chosen by political representatives but directly by the citizenry itself.

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Economic Democracy

A democratic society cannot be conceived without the guarantee of the necessary material support for the development of a dignified and politically active life. A democratic society without a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be conceived.

The high unemployment figures, the widespread insecurity, the spiral of evictions, the debt slavery condemning a large part of the population, the privatization of public services, the enormous concentration of wealth and the subordination of public economies to banking interests all point in the opposite direction: inequality and economic subordination of the many (99%) to a few (1%).

The current democracy as well as the constitutional guarantees on which it is based have been completely ineffective in avoiding this situation. None of the mechanisms set out in the Constitution of 1978 – social rights, labor rights, public initiatives in the economic sphere and the subordination of the wealth to the social interest, among others – have been able to protect society from economic and financial interests. Neo-liberal policies have prevailed above any other criteria, including the common good. This despoilment is most evident now, in the midst of the crisis.

This Charter intends to recover the social resources which have been privatized and concentrated into a few hands, in order to make them available for a real democratic process. Thus, the framework proposed by austerity politics will not be accepted. Never before has there been so much wealth, but rarely has this been distributed so poorly and under such undemocratic and unfair criteria. Therefore, a full review of the functions of economic policies is required, in order to prioritize of the welfare of the population over private, financial and corporate profit. A real, and not just formal, recognition that the laws of the market must always be subsumed to the social functions of the economy is essential.

With the aim of promoting economic democracy, this charter considers five basic pillars:

1. Financial democracy

Financial wealth will be considered as a common resource, upon which the citizenship must have the capacity and ability to influence. “Who regulates are the people, not the market” is the maxim that inspired this point. To do so, procedures will be established for democratic decision making on the debt contracted during recent years, as well as on financial and real estate assets in public hands derived from the restructuring of financial markets and the banking sector. To this end, the following measures are proposed:

  • Citizen Debt Audit. This proposal allows distinction between those debts which are legitimate and those which are not. This audit will be articulated as a social process of democratic and financial education, whereby citizens may acquire greater capacity for decision making and control over the financial economy.
  • Creation of public utility institutions, with financial and real estate assets resulting from successive restructuring. These institutions, under strict democratic control, will serve the promotion of economic equality and social development.

2. Tax reform

The object of the reform entails the promotion of a broad redistribution of expenditures and benefits, so that a formal equality is also a guaranteed real material equitability with access to common and public goods.

  • Major proposals: the restoration of the principles of proportionality and escalation for both labor income and corporate profits; the implementation of new taxes on financial transactions and higher taxes on capital income; the decrease of indirect and consumption taxes, and prosecution of tax fraud. Tax reform will be based on a criteria of equality and equal tax treatment, as well as territorial solidarity.

3. Common and public goods

Privatization processes have shown that public administrations have not protected public resources against attempts at appropriation by private interests. The social recovery of these goods, as well as the democratization of their management, must guarantee their accessibility by the population as a whole.

  • All goods and basic infrastructure needed for the reproduction of life, political participation and the normal function of the economy will have the status of public-common goods. These public-common goods shall include: education, health, housing, security, transportation, information, and justice; important natural resources including water, atmosphere, soil, oceans, coasts, rivers and riverbanks, forests and natural areas of ecological and aesthetic importance; and major roads, highways, interchanges, railway infrastructure, ports, and the like.
  • Strategic resources and sectors of the economy, such as communications, energy, or mineral resources, will be reverted to a condition of public–common resources. The administration of those resources will be subject to a strict public and democratic control.  This will effectively reverse the tendency towards privatization that has been promoted in the last decades.
  • Public-common assets shall neither be alienated nor sold by public administrations. Being public-common property, they are considered the property of all persons residing in the Spanish State.
  • Public-common assets shall be managed in a democratic way, regulated and governed both by mechanisms of citizen participation and expert communities required for each case.

4. Promotion of the Social Economy and Democracy in Economic Relations

This Charter promotes citizen participation in business-related decision-making processes, especially in matters which could be crucial to the common interest. In addition, economic activity will be subordinated to criteria of integral profitability, i.e. social, environmental and economic.

  • It encourages the development of a new business model based on the principles of the social economy, cooperativism, and respect for the environment.
  • All companies should progressively organize around the following principles: equity, respect for the environment, transparency, and sustainable development. Equally, controls over wage distribution in companies will be observed, forestalling the present model of speculative accumulation and extravagant salaries, while rigorously vetoing the increase of precarious labor.
  • The fundamental principles of labor rights will be observed: the right to work freely or in exchange for just compensation; the protection of workers in situations of dependence; the right to rest and to retire; the right to autonomy and to dignified lives independent of wage labor, along with the right to strike, to form unions and to freely associate and assemble.

5. The expansion of social protection, the recognition of common resources, and the right to a dignified life

Our current system of Social Security is principally funded by income tax contributions and is only inclusive according to criteria of national legal identity. In a globalised context, where employment is scarce and non-remunerated work is seen as essential to the production of wealth, migration has become an elemental necessity for an impoverished population. As such, the prior bases of our system of social protection have proven to be increasingly inefficient and less inclusive.

An expansion of the pension system to comply with just and sufficient standards is required. Another requirement is an expansion of the support mechanisms and infrastructures for collective caretaking, which presently falls almost exclusively on families (particularly, women). Child-rearing duties are a collective responsibility with the following two requirements: the necessary budgetary development and allocation, and the creation of common infrastructures.

The production of non-GDP quantified wealth (in areas such as research, study, cultural, informational or communicative production) shall also be acknowledged through mechanisms for the recognition of all such non-remunerated wealth (such as a Basic Income), along with the creation of all the necessary infrastructures for the development of such mechanisms.

This new system of guarantees will be financed by the proposed measures for fiscal reform, especially through the taxation of financial profit and its circulation, while also reducing the proportion of income tax.

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Territorial Democracy

The current financial and economic crisis has shown the weakening of democracy at every level, as well as the fragility of territorial wealth-sharing mechanisms. The dictates of financial governance through austerity policies have established an extraordinary geography of inequality, plunging some countries and regions into the economic and social abyss.

The result is an important territorial split opening up both at the European level and in the Spanish state. In Europe, the absence of democratic intervention mechanisms and the crisis of sovereign debt have created a growing rift between a protected center and an increasingly impoverished periphery. In the Spanish state, the heavy indebtedness of municipalities and regions is leading to the dismantling of social protection systems and the sale of many public goods.

Both cases show a growing loss of territorial solidarity and the legitimacy of government institutions. This threatens a collapse that can only be addressed through a complete institutional reorganization based on democracy and territorial stewardship.

This charter invites discussion for a new territorial agreement at all levels, based on a radically democratic model. It is based on the assumption that decisions about the management of resources and services should be developed at the minimum level of the territorial unit, and forms of the distribution of wealth must be organized within the larger Commons to ensure equity between the territories.

In this way, it is intended to minimize the inequalities between them, compensating for the inequalities generated by models of territorial jurisdiction.

The new territorial agreement model shall be the result of democratic consultation and cooperation among the various territorial units. It should acknowledge the widest possible plurality, and build itself up from its residents’ right to democratically decide on their belonging or not to the different territorial units.

Territorial Democracy will be based on the following principles.

  • Joint responsibility and equality. Membership in the political association involves the acceptance of certain rules and communal constitutions, as well as the acceptance of a taxation system and a communal budget sufficient to correct social and territorial inequality. The new tax system shall be based on progressiveness and fiscal equity.
  • Subsidiarity. The management of resources and services as well as decisions on matters of public interest must be reduced to the minimum territorial unit in which it is most accessible to those residents responsible for such management or decisions. All services that can be better managed at smaller territorial scales will be managed at this level.
  • Financial autonomy and sufficiency. Each territorial unit must have an appropriate budget for the provision of those services for which it is responsible. This budget will be autonomously administered by the democratically managed citizen organisms established for this purpose. Moreover, this budget will not only be guaranteed by its binding resources, but additionally by territorial compensation mechanisms established at different territorial scales. Autonomy in the management of said budget does not exempt those territorial units from the provision of certain services and fiscal obligations to the supra-territorial treasury.

The institutional development of the different territorial scales will be carried out starting from the following principles:

1. Deepening of political democracy: self-government

  • To reclaim and develop all areas of participation and decision at every scale, building on the aforementioned formulas: the democratization of public powers and the extension of citizen participation and direct democracy mechanisms.
  • In accordance with the subsidiarity principle there shall be an inclination, whenever the scale of the processes and resources involved allows, toward developing local and direct democracy at a scale closest to the people, i.e., local governments and towns.
  • The democratic re-founding process is proposed not only at the Spanish State level, but also for the rest of the territorial scales.

2. Acknowledgement of the different scales and territorial realities and solidarity among them

  • The forms of political union which may result from these democratization processes shall take as their aim the rejection of the current forms of territorial competition, as well as wealth redistribution at all levels; from the supra state levels, to those which are immediate to people, such as townships.
  • European Union. The establishment of real fiscal, budgetary and banking cohesion directed at the practical elimination of the growing economic and social inequalities between countries, as well as of the controlling interests of the financial sector.
  • The Spanish State, the current autonomous communities and whichever territorial entities that shall arise from the territorial constitution processes. The principle of fiscal equity shall be accepted, the existence of a joint budget, and the wealth redistribution according to the equitable methods of the territorial distribution.
  • Municipalities. Financing and budgets, besides being subject to strict citizen control, will be guaranteed by distributive mechanisms accorded at the highest scales (regional, state-level and European Union) so as not to be dependent on property and land speculation.

3. The European scale of the process

  • In the European sphere, a new constitution shall guarantee all the fundamental rights for every part of the Union, the political participation possibilities, the share-out conditions and the distribution of wealth, and a thoroughly democratic political structure.
  • In the case that these minimums would not be guaranteed by the European Union, the various comprising territories could develop new territorial alliances from their own constituent political processes, in order to guarantee the previously mentioned principles and therefore their own collective survival.

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The Village Against the World

Marinaleda, in impoverished Andalusia, used to suffer terrible hardships. Led by a charismatic mayor, the village declared itself a communist utopia and took farmland to provide for everyone. Could it be the answer to modern capitalism’s failings?

“As the borderline between dream and reality shimmers in the heat of Andalucia, we begin to wonder if living as if change were indeed possible is the very key to making actual change happen.” – Suzanne Moore, Guardian

“A thoughtful, take-nothing-for-granted account … this engaging book is as much a study of idealism in practice as it is of life in a highly unusualpueblo. The respectful, intelligent writing places the villagers at the centre of their own story – and that story is fascinating.” – New Statesman

“Hancox’s book could not be more timely - with Spain on the brink of social crisis and the shadows of the past emerging.” – Paul Mason, author of Why It’s Still Kicking Off Everywhere

One hundred kilometres from Seville lies the small village of Marinaleda, which for the last thirty-five years has been the centre of a tireless struggle to create a living utopia. This unique community drew British author Dan Hancox to Spain, and here for the first time he recounts the fascinating story of villagers who expropriated the land owned by wealthy aristocrats and have, since the 1980s, made it the foundation of a cooperative way of life.
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#GeziFest Invitation (EN) open for all the Chapullers of the World / Bergse Bos, Rotterdam, NL / 21-22 June 2014

Posted in #ChangeBrazil, #June30, #OcccupGezi, 15M, Activism, Agora99, Alliances, Assemblies, Chapullers, Exchange, Immigrants, Internationalism, networkers, Networks, Occupy, Open Access, Organising, orgnet, P2P, Participation, Solidarity | 1 Comment

The Dramatic Rise of Peer-to-Peer Communication within the emancipatory movements: Reflections of an International Labour, Social Justice and Cyber Activist

shorter version of the text published on Social Network Unionism blog on 23.10.2012

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Transnational p2p networks of radical labour research and (h)activism in the making of a global working class

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