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Production of revolutionary (emancipatory-liberating) subject and subject of revolutionary (emancipatory-liberating) production Continue reading
Together we build a Commons Humanity
Global Networked Labour Union seeks your broadest support for the network of emancipatory projects we have been building in collaboration with others. You can give us an hand in any way that you could. Most preferably by joining your labour, heart and mind with us, so that we would walk together towards a commons humanity in dignity, overcoming all kinds of alienation in and between peoples and societies.
In case you like to support our work financially, the amount you
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developing similar projects like ours and working for all of us by
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Hackers, makers, workers, farmers, designers, squatters, and all communities GNUnite in stitching One Big Mesh Network for the Emancipation of Labour and the Commons
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AVRUPA’DAN YOLDAŞLARI AĞIRLIYORUZ!
Son dönemde Avrupa’da gerçekleşen ayaklanmalar sonrası kurulan Agora99’u 24 ve 25 ekimde Mahalle Evi’nde ağarlıyoruz. İşgal fabrikalarından özyönetim kliniklerine, emek örgütlerinden mega-proje karşıtı hareketlere, mahalle evlerinden feminist örgütlere uzanan esinlendirici bir çeşitliliğe sahip Agora99’un tüm İstanbul forum ve örgütlerine yaptığı çağrıyı dikkatinize sunuyoruz.
24 ve 25 Ekim için Davet
24 Ekim Cuma, 19:00-23:00:
Müşterek Mücadeler için İstanbul’da Uluslar Aşırı Bir Toplantı.
Caferağa Mahalleevi, No 24 (Hacı Şükrü Sokak), 34710 Kadıköy
Image by Olmo Calvo
by Amador Fernández-Savater
Translated by Stacco Troncoso, edited by Jane Loes Lipton – Guerrilla Translation!
How is it possible that fifty people can stop a forced eviction? Not just once, but over and over again (as many as six hundred times). This question has been on my mind for a while. During the 25-S protests in Madrid 1, we saw for ourselves that the police can evict any number of protestors from anywhere. So, exactly what sort of strength allows those fifty people to stop a foreclosure eviction? What does it mean to have strength, if it’s not quite the same as having power (physical, quantitative, economic, institutional, etc.)? The following is my attempt at an answer that, by no means, fully exhausts the question. That is to say, there’s room for more answers and, above all, to keep asking the question – this, I believe, is the most important thing.
Mücadelelerden mücadelelere bir çağrı: barınma ve kent hakkı için müşterekler için; güvencesiz emeğe ve neoliberal kentleşmeye, savaş ve devlet militarizmine karşı ve yurttaşlık hakkı ve sığınmacılık özgürlüğü için yerel ve küresel mücadeleleri bağlayabilecek örgüt pratiklerini geliştirelim.
“Üçüncüsü yapılacak Agora99’u 2015’te İstanbul’da düzenleyelim!”
25 Ekim’de İstanbul’da düzenlenecek ön buluşma için forumlara ve ağlara çağrımızdır.
Dünya, 2011 yılından itibaren, gerçek anlamda ulusları aşan ve küresel ölçeğe erişen bir taban ayaklanmaları dalgasına tanıklık etmiştir. Tunus, Mısır, İzlanda, Yunanistan, İspanya, İsrail, Şili, İngiltere, ABD, Türkiye, Brezilya ve diğer birçok yerde insanlar adaletsizlik ve eşitsizliği protesto etmek ve demokrasi uğruna sokaklara dökülmüştür. Yıllardır süregelen mücadeleler yeni bir görünürlük kazanmış ve yeni hareketler ve mücadeleler vücut bulmuştur.
Yerel ölçekteki çeşitli meselelerin tetiklediği bu ayaklanmalar ilk bakışta birbirinden kopuk ve eşzamanlı olmayan bir niteliğe sahipmiş gibi görünebilir. Ancak, öz-örgütlenme, bağlantı ve yataylık bu ayaklanmaların ortak özelliği olmuştur: hepsi de demokratik karar almanın yeni biçimlerini uyguluyor ve lidersizlik niteliği taşıyor. Hepsi, meclisler, çalışma grupları ve yakınlaşma alanları aracılığıyla örgütleniyor ve sosyal medya zemininde ve çevrimiçi buluşmalarla kitlesel katılıma olanak sağlıyorlar.
Aynı zamanda, yerelliğin ve ulusların ötesine geçerek grupları, hareketleri ve bireyleri bölgesel, ulusal ve enternasyonal düzeyde birbirine yaklaştıran bağlar, ayaklanmaların yayılmasına ve devam etmesine ve dünyanın birçok yerinde, insanlık değerlerine dayalı ağların kurulmasına olanak sağlamıştır. Büyük meclisler öz-düşünme ve fikir teatisi imkânlarını ortaya çıkarmıştır.
Bunlardan biri de Agora99 olmuştur.
Gezi’yi Dünya Devrimsel sürecin Türkiye uğrağı olarak okumalı!
9/11’den beri giderek yükselen huzursuzluk ve öfke dalgası, işgaller ve yağmalar gözlemcilere hem büyük bir krizin hem de ona eşlik edecek devrimsel bir dalganın yaklaştığını haber veriyordu. Hatırlarsanız daha 2000’den önce Pentagon raporlarında ve daha sonra Bush’un meşhur Milli Güvenlik belgesinde de yer almıştı bu öngörüler. Wall Street’in zirvesi Lehman Brothers’ı uçurumun kenarından aşağıya elbirliğiyle iterken, işin renginin değiştiği belli olmuştu. Bu olayı izleyen küresel krizle birlikte Avrupa’da Fransa, Yunanistan, İzlanda, İngiltere ve diğer bir çok ülkede baş gösteren toplumsal patlamalar, daha sonrasında Burma ve Honduras’da yaşanan askeri darbeler, Haiti’deki gibi ABD’nin doğal afeti bile jeo(ekonomi)politik fırsata çevirme girişimleri ve bu arada Wisconsin gibi direnişler ve grevlerin ABD içinde şiddetlenmesi açık sinyalleri ile bir dünya devrimsel dalganın artık yükseldiğini işaret ediyordu.
Bu sinyalleri takip edenler Kuzey Afrika’da ilk önce Tunus hemen arkasından Mısır’da patlak veren olayları doğru algılayabildiler. Zaten bölgede uzun zamandır huzursuzluk, kriz ve açlık kol geziyordu. Tahrir Meydanı işgalini takip eden bir ay içinde neredeyse bütün Kuzey Afrika tutuştu. Bölgenin BOP uygulama alanı olması ve isyanların yayılış hızı herkeste bir şaşkınlık yarattı ve puslu bir ortam doğurdu. Fakat bir iki ay içerisinde kıvılcımların Avrupa’ya da sıçraması; İspanya’nın başkenti Madrid’in Taksimi olan Puerta Del Sol’un 15 Mayıs’da başlayarak 1.5 ay işgal altında tutulması, halk meclislerinin ve işgal çadırlarının yurt dışında okuyan İspanyol öğrenciler ve göçmenler aracılığı ile yayılması ve farklı ülkelerde kurulan yerel ağlar aracılığı ile bunların sürdürülmesi sis perdesini dağıttı. İspanya’da olaylar başladığında kurulan Take The Square ağı ve Democracia Real Ya (DRY – Gerçek Demokrasi Şimdi) ağına bağlı bazı küçük grupların Facebook, IRC (sohbet) ve Mumble üzerinde yürüttükleri örgütlenme, 15 Ekim 2011 için yapılan ve Paris ve Lizbon’da yapılan ulusötesi meclislerde onaylanan Küresel Devrim eylemi çağrısının yayılmasında önemli rol oynadılar. Aynı dönemde New York ve Washington’da da İspanyol öğrencilerin tetiklediği meclisler toplanıyor ve çadırlı işgal denemeleri yapılıyordu. Canada’da yayınlanan Adbuster dergisinin 17 Eylül’de Wall Street’i İşgal Ediyoruz (Occupy Wall Street) çağrısı geldi. New York’da toplanmaya başlayan meclisler ve eylemci ağları bu çağrıya karşılık verdiler. Nihayet uzun ve İsrail, Şili, Yunanistan, İtalya, Hİndistan gibi bir çok ülkede ayaklanmaların yaşandığı sıcak 2011 yazını takiben Eylül ayına kadar uzanan süreçte İspanya, New York ve diğer ülkelerden eylemciler arasında internet üzerinden yoğun ve ağ-örgütlü çalışmalar yürütüldü. Onlarca yaratıcı video ve poster ortaklaşa üretildi ve elden ele gelişerek son halini aldı. İspanyol DRY ağının girişimi ile 15-18 Eylül’de Barcelona’da aralarında Tunus, İtalya, Yunanistan ve diğer ülkelerden gelen eylemcilerin bulunduğu uluslararası bir ‘Hub Toplantısı’ yapıldı. 17 Eylül günü ise Wall Street’i işgal amacı ile başlayan protesto Zucotti Park’ın işgali ile sonuçlandı. Bir hafta içinde polisin aşırı şiddet uyguladığı saldırılar başlayana kadar sadece sosyal medyada infial yaratan bu işgal Eylül sonuna doğru ana akım medyaya da yansımaya başladı. Böylece daha önceden belirlenen tarihi eylem olan 15 Ekim yaklaştıkça halk ve halklar, her yerde işgal çadırları kurmaya, her yeri bir Tahrir, bir Sakarya Komünü’ne çevirmeye hazırlanmıştı bile. ABD içinde Eylül ayının 17’si ile 15 Ekim 2011 arasında çadırlı kent merkezi işgalleri bütün eyaletlere yayılmıştı ve Avrupanın bir çok şehirlerinde de denemeler yapılmaya başlanmıştı. Böylece 15 Ekim 2011, Küresel Devrim günü eylemi, çadırları ve büyük meydan işgallerini gezegen boyutuna taşıdı. Aynı günde 90’ı aşkın ülke ve 1000’i aşkın şehir merkezi benzer şekilde işgal edildi, çadırlar ve halk meclisleri kuruldu.
With left parties on the rise in Spain and Greece, John Holloway reflects on his influential 2002 thesis: can we change the world without taking power?
Interview by Amador Fernández-Savater. Translated by Richard Mac Duinnsleibhe and edited by Arianne Sved of Guerrilla Translation.
In 2002, John Holloway published a landmark book: Change the World without Taking Power. Inspired by the ‘¡Ya basta!’ of the Zapatistas, by the movement that emerged in Argentina in 2001/’02, and by the anti-globalization movement, Holloway sets out a hypothesis: it is not the idea of revolution or transformation of the world that has been refuted as a result of the disaster of authoritarian communism, but rather the idea of revolution as the taking of power, and of the party as the political tool par excellence.
Holloway discerns another concept of social change at work in these movements, and generally in every practice—however visible or invisible it may be—where a logic different from that of profit is followed: the logic of cracking capitalism. That is, to create, within the very society that is being rejected, spaces, moments, or areas of activity in which a different world is prefigured. Rebellions in motion. From this perspective, the idea of organization is no longer equivalent to that of the party, but rather entails the question of how the different cracks that unravel the fabric of capitalism can recognize each other and connect.
But after Argentina’s “que se vayan todos” came the Kirchner government, and after Spain’s “no nos representan” appeared Podemos. We met with John Holloway in the city of Puebla, Mexico, to ask him if, after everything that has happened in the past decade, from the progressive governments of Latin America to Podemos and Syriza in Europe, along with the problems for self-organized practices to exist and multiply, he still thinks that it is possible to “change the world without taking power.”
Below text is an excpert from unpublished and unedited 2012 article Another World, Now! Coming of the Transnational REvolutions and the P2P Prince.
The modern prince, the myth-prince, cannot be a real person, a concrete individual. It can only be an organism, a complex element of society in which a collective will, which has already been recognised and has to some extent asserted itself in action, begins to take concrete form. (A. Gramsci)
Italian political activist and theorist Antonio Gramsci’s core concepts like hegemony, organic crisis, historic bloc, war of position and war of manoeuvre are central to our understanding of today’s complex global capitalist system as well as the catastrophic changes that are currently taking place in it. Referring to the original concept developed by Gramsci, global political economy theorist Stephen Gill describes the 2008 global financial turmoil as the manifestation of an organic crisis at the global level.  We can also read the outcomes of the global organic crisis following another neo-Gramscian theorist Robert Cox as a mixture of three scenarios he describes. First one is a global (military) Keynesian recovery being pushed by the West. Regional wars moving from the periphery to the centre involving massive destruction of lives, cities and the nature, as we witness it happening since the 9/11. The second scenario is the rise of global fascism in tandem with the regional wars. This has also been happening, especially increasingly in the centre, since 2007; highlighting the race to the bottom caused by the strengthening of totalitarian forms of capitalism at the main contenders like China, Russia and India. Finally and the last scenario is accompanying transnational revolutions, like the uprisings in the northern Africa, Americas and Europe also happening.
What brought humanity to this point is not a secret and also made clear by many thinkers, intellectuals, and activists. The above mentioned article by Gill is only one of the public records. It is very clear however where we have to drive history as the humanity, the third option: Transnational revolutions. Again, following Gramsci and Gill, we can think of the realisation of the transnational revolutions in relation to the ‘Prince’. For his time Gramsci thought of it as the collective subjectivity which will give the moral leadership to a wider counter-hegemonic historic bloc, and shape the form and content of the communist revolution in a national context. And it was the communist part of the working class. Gill referred to the anti- and alter-globalisation movement. Continue reading
Calafou is dedicated to encourage productive projects related with our ideas about ecology (environmental care, waste management, etc.), social economy, assemblies and a list of other requirements specified in this document. All productive projects are presented and coordinated through the Projects workgroup, and are then proposed for approval at Calafou’s general assembly.
Collective projects (which profits go for the colony), autonomous projects (initiatives from a person or a specific collective), and collective spaces (which enable project development or are the framework for community life) all coexist in Calafou. Some current projects are: the social center; Circe, a chemistry lab for research and production of soaps, oleates and essences; the hacklab, a place for collective work and learning; the serigraphy workshop; the collective workshop. All of them have been developed by Calafou’s inhabitants.
Among the projects for self-provision or sale we have home-made preserves, marmalades, or bread. There are also autonomous projects such as the garage “El noi del sucre“ or the MutangerLab (electronics, welding, and more).
Central shed which harbors:
via Projects | Calafou.
We are living in an exceptional time that demands brave, creative initiatives. If we are able to imagine a different city, we will have the power to transform it.”
Almost 80 years later, the City Hall of Barcelona sells a very different dream to the world. An over-developed,highly commercialized Barcelona that has become a theme park for tourists, who blissfully wander the streets of the charming metropolis, unaware of the harsh difficulties many of its citizens are actually going through. The clash between those two Barcelonas is becoming increasingly intolerable, as seen in the recent struggles over the eviction of self-organized community squat/centers such as Can Vies, among others.
However, that spirit Orwell once sensed in Barcelona never really died. The Spanish revolutionaries of today may not be fighting fascism with weapons, but they are fighting neoliberalism with real democracy. That’s what the 15-M movement is all about, a movement that is now evolving into various efforts to take people’s assemblies from the streets to the political institutions. At a national level, the most relevant are Movimiento por la Democracia, Partido X and Podemos, whose front man Pablo Iglesias was chosen by the Confederal Group of the United Left (GUE) as a candidate for the Presidency of the European Parliament, no less! Catalonia also has its own bottom-up political organizations, such as Procés Constituent (with its charismatic leader, Teresa Forcades) and CUP, which already has three representatives in the Catalan Parliament.
This Charter was born of a deep malaise: lack of prospects, mass unemployment, cuts in social rights and benefits, evictions, political and financial corruption, dismantling of public services. It was drafted in reaction to the social majority’s growing lack of confidence in the promises of a political system devoid of legitimacy and the ability to listen.
The two-party system, widespread corruption, the financial dictatorship imposed by austerity policies and the destruction of public goods have dealt the final blow to a democracy long suffering from its own limits. These limits were already present in the 1978 Constitution. They can be summarized as a political framework that neither protects society from the concentration of power in the hands of the financial groups, nor from the consolidation of a non-representative political class. This political framework has established a system which is hardly open to citizen participation, and unable to construct a new system of collective rights for our protection and common development. This is evident in the fact that, despite some very significant public demonstrations, the demands of the vast majority of the population have repeatedly been ignored.
Faced with this institutional stonewalling and the growing separation between the rulers and the ruled, it seems there’s only one way out: a deep expansion of democracy based on citizen control over political and economic power. Surely, since what’s left of democracy is constantly shrinking and attempts at internal reform would only mean repeating the same mistakes, we must take a chance on changing the rules of the game – a democratic change, geared toward returning to society the effective decision-making ability over all which concerns it.
Chaos and dictatorship are not the only alternatives to the current democracy. A democracy created among all people is possible – a democracy not reduced to merely voting, but founded on participation, citizen control and equal rights.
This Charter emerged from the desire to contribute to this process of democratization. In this sense, it contributes from a place of joy, from the energy of citizen mobilizations, from politics happening outside political parties, speaking in first person plural and trying to build a life worth living for everyone. No doubt the impetus is democracy itself. People have the ability to invent other forms of governing themselves and living together. This text was created with the assurance that today’s struggles are the basis of the coming democracy.
As this is a proposal of democratization, this Charter is presented as an unfinished, long-term construction project, openly inviting anyone to participate. This charter isn’t meant to be a political program or an exhaustive catalogue of rights, nor does it pretend to be a static State model. Given our investment in democratization, it simply points towards the basic, necessary elements needed to reconstruct a new institutional model that is open to the collective needs, proposals and capacity for self-governance that has recently found its voice throughout streets, squares and networks. Seen this way, the participative, deliberative process we yearn for matters as much as its content, which should always be a faithful reflection of the proposals and aspirations of the citizenry.
In essence, this Charter calls for opening a new process of debate, leading to a political and economic restructuring to guarantee life, dignity and democracy. It’s presented here as a contribution towards establishing a new social contract, a process of democratic reform in which the people — the “anyones”— are the true protagonists.
It’s time for the citizens to appropriate public institutions and resources, in order to ensure their defense, control and fair distribution. In the public squares and networks, we’ve learned something simple and conclusive which will forever change our way of being in the world. We’ve learned that yes, we can.
A democracy worthy of the name requires universal recognition of a wide constellation of rights related to all areas of public life and social reproduction. The decline in access to benefits and social services, the plundering by the financial dictatorship, and the dismantling of public welfare systems by austerity policies in recent decades have all significantly undermined the means of effectively exercising these rights. Similarly, access to many of these rights is conditional upon nationality and employment status, which has ended up producing major exclusion. Moreover, the subordinate nature of social rights in the current Constitution has not allowed sufficient development of certain fundamental issues such as housing, employment and income.
In short, both the inherent limits of the current system and the impotence of the Spanish political regime in protecting the most basic of rights are strong enough reasons for the creation of a new institutional system of rights and guarantees that enable caring, the development of our lives, and access to political life.
This Charter puts forward a common starting point for defining a new system of rights. Today, these rights have arisen from the demands and struggles of society itself, and expressed through its multiple forms of organization and participation; as such they are the highest expression of the act of democracy.
These rights redefine social relations, the production and distribution of wealth, and relations between nation-states according to a concept of the human being as a subject with the right to autonomy, but still in deep interdependence with the common space s/he inhabits. To this extent, these rights oppose being characterized as merely individual attributions. These rights must be recognized from both a universal as well as a singular dimension.
In order to guarantee these rights, we require an institutional framework that recognizes and promotes access to an active and democratic political life, and the recognition of the right to collective and direct participation as a real opportunity for the expression of the citizens’ desire to decide on everything which significantly affects the community. This framework should also be fully inclusive; one that accepts that we live in a global world, and acknowledges people’s right to migrate and/or settle where they see fit, in order to live life fully. A framework that could safeguard a life – our own – which, being interdependent, requires protection. This would comprise institutions specifically designed to ensure social reproduction, while neither delegating care labor to particular social groups nor permitting the privatization of that labor. A framework which also guarantees and extends all the rights already recognized in existing frameworks, constitutions and declarations of human rights, and which also recognizes the environment wherein life takes place as a rights-holder that should be carefully defended. This framework must, in the end, recognize society as a source of rights, therefore it must be considered open and under constant construction.
The basic principles which inspire a new, robust Bill of Rights with a guarantee of institutional means are:
Finally, it is understood that a subject of rights is also a subject of responsibilities, insofar as she or he is part of a community built around a common project. These responsibilities extend to the environment we inhabit, and include accepting the responsibility to care for it, protect it and enable its reproduction, and in doing so, our own. Such responsibility involves all citizens, but is distributed according to the differences of wealth and ability.
The crisis has shown that the decisions of the political class are increasingly controlled by financial interests, and therefore, that democratic Government is conditioned by private enterprise. This situation has lasting repercussions, having provoked a major crisis of legitimacy and representation, aggravated by a state of continued corruption and underscoring the serious lack of existing democratic control.
In any case, the limits of the political system are not recent; rather, they’re structural. These problems can be summed up as: bipartisanship; one-party government in most autonomous communities; difficulty creating new political options; media monopolies; and, especially, the enormous legal difficulties in reforming a Constitution which, moreover, has never been approved by most of the current population.
This is compounded by the fact that political parties – the major players in political life – have turned into a self-serving class, primarily geared towards its own propagation. Without a doubt, institutional obstacles to direct participation hamper the imagination and formation of a political framework founded upon the direct involvement of ordinary people in public affairs..
The decline of the current democracy manifests itself in neglecting the demands of different sectors of society, thus magnifying the distance between legislated policies and what the people say they need. This growing gap between the rulers and the ruled results in the democratic deficit of a system that has prioritized governability over representation and respect for minorities.
The limits of the current democratic system cannot be resolved from the same position from which they arose. Therefore, in order to establish a true democracy, an overhaul is needed.
This Charter advocates a form of democracy capable of returning decision-making power concerning the fundamental aspects of life back to the population. A democracy based on participation in social and political life, one which enables joint decisions on how we want to live. It is, therefore, a wager on a new political agreement built in an open way and with the active participation of citizens. A new agreement based on the recognition of society’s capacity to organize, create institutions, and self-govern.
The construction of this democracy requires a series of agile, effective, and transparent mechanisms articulated on different levels and geared towards both deepening direct participation and the control of delegation, via representation, as deemed appropriate.
Some actions that could give shape to a new democratic political system are as follows:
A mature political democracy will not only allow for the real and effective separation of the different powers of the state, but also for direct citizen control of the latter. According to this charter, the judiciary, state police, and security forces will also be subject to the same requisites of transparency, democratization and citizen control. Its ranking heads shall not be chosen by political representatives but directly by the citizenry itself.
A democratic society cannot be conceived without the guarantee of the necessary material support for the development of a dignified and politically active life. A democratic society without a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be conceived.
The high unemployment figures, the widespread insecurity, the spiral of evictions, the debt slavery condemning a large part of the population, the privatization of public services, the enormous concentration of wealth and the subordination of public economies to banking interests all point in the opposite direction: inequality and economic subordination of the many (99%) to a few (1%).
The current democracy as well as the constitutional guarantees on which it is based have been completely ineffective in avoiding this situation. None of the mechanisms set out in the Constitution of 1978 – social rights, labor rights, public initiatives in the economic sphere and the subordination of the wealth to the social interest, among others – have been able to protect society from economic and financial interests. Neo-liberal policies have prevailed above any other criteria, including the common good. This despoilment is most evident now, in the midst of the crisis.
This Charter intends to recover the social resources which have been privatized and concentrated into a few hands, in order to make them available for a real democratic process. Thus, the framework proposed by austerity politics will not be accepted. Never before has there been so much wealth, but rarely has this been distributed so poorly and under such undemocratic and unfair criteria. Therefore, a full review of the functions of economic policies is required, in order to prioritize of the welfare of the population over private, financial and corporate profit. A real, and not just formal, recognition that the laws of the market must always be subsumed to the social functions of the economy is essential.
With the aim of promoting economic democracy, this charter considers five basic pillars:
Financial wealth will be considered as a common resource, upon which the citizenship must have the capacity and ability to influence. “Who regulates are the people, not the market” is the maxim that inspired this point. To do so, procedures will be established for democratic decision making on the debt contracted during recent years, as well as on financial and real estate assets in public hands derived from the restructuring of financial markets and the banking sector. To this end, the following measures are proposed:
The object of the reform entails the promotion of a broad redistribution of expenditures and benefits, so that a formal equality is also a guaranteed real material equitability with access to common and public goods.
Privatization processes have shown that public administrations have not protected public resources against attempts at appropriation by private interests. The social recovery of these goods, as well as the democratization of their management, must guarantee their accessibility by the population as a whole.
This Charter promotes citizen participation in business-related decision-making processes, especially in matters which could be crucial to the common interest. In addition, economic activity will be subordinated to criteria of integral profitability, i.e. social, environmental and economic.
Our current system of Social Security is principally funded by income tax contributions and is only inclusive according to criteria of national legal identity. In a globalised context, where employment is scarce and non-remunerated work is seen as essential to the production of wealth, migration has become an elemental necessity for an impoverished population. As such, the prior bases of our system of social protection have proven to be increasingly inefficient and less inclusive.
An expansion of the pension system to comply with just and sufficient standards is required. Another requirement is an expansion of the support mechanisms and infrastructures for collective caretaking, which presently falls almost exclusively on families (particularly, women). Child-rearing duties are a collective responsibility with the following two requirements: the necessary budgetary development and allocation, and the creation of common infrastructures.
The production of non-GDP quantified wealth (in areas such as research, study, cultural, informational or communicative production) shall also be acknowledged through mechanisms for the recognition of all such non-remunerated wealth (such as a Basic Income), along with the creation of all the necessary infrastructures for the development of such mechanisms.
This new system of guarantees will be financed by the proposed measures for fiscal reform, especially through the taxation of financial profit and its circulation, while also reducing the proportion of income tax.
The current financial and economic crisis has shown the weakening of democracy at every level, as well as the fragility of territorial wealth-sharing mechanisms. The dictates of financial governance through austerity policies have established an extraordinary geography of inequality, plunging some countries and regions into the economic and social abyss.
The result is an important territorial split opening up both at the European level and in the Spanish state. In Europe, the absence of democratic intervention mechanisms and the crisis of sovereign debt have created a growing rift between a protected center and an increasingly impoverished periphery. In the Spanish state, the heavy indebtedness of municipalities and regions is leading to the dismantling of social protection systems and the sale of many public goods.
Both cases show a growing loss of territorial solidarity and the legitimacy of government institutions. This threatens a collapse that can only be addressed through a complete institutional reorganization based on democracy and territorial stewardship.
This charter invites discussion for a new territorial agreement at all levels, based on a radically democratic model. It is based on the assumption that decisions about the management of resources and services should be developed at the minimum level of the territorial unit, and forms of the distribution of wealth must be organized within the larger Commons to ensure equity between the territories.
In this way, it is intended to minimize the inequalities between them, compensating for the inequalities generated by models of territorial jurisdiction.
The new territorial agreement model shall be the result of democratic consultation and cooperation among the various territorial units. It should acknowledge the widest possible plurality, and build itself up from its residents’ right to democratically decide on their belonging or not to the different territorial units.
Territorial Democracy will be based on the following principles.
The institutional development of the different territorial scales will be carried out starting from the following principles:
On May 24, a coalition of neighborhood groups, students, labor unions, and other civil society organizations convened a popular assembly in Valparaíso, the major Chilean port city devastated by a raging fire last month. Announcing their aim to develop a grassroots plan for the recovery and reconstruction of Valparaíso, the Coordinadora for the Defense of Valparaíso also demanded a temporary freeze on construction permits and the resignation of right-wing mayor Jorge Castro.
“The destruction and abandonment of Valparaíso, of which this conflagration is an unfortunate result, has authors who must assume [responsibility for] the consequences of their reproachable acts and omissions,” the Coordinadora’sstatement reads in part. The Coordinadora blames powerful political and economic interests for the “twin tragedies” of abandonment and real estate speculation that are destroying Valparaíso, and wants them to be held accountable.
The ruling elite way of dealing with the problem of ‘near zero marginal costs’ has been massive exploitation of zero labor cost (free labor). Now they like to capture free labor in the physical world by connecting devices and people “putting them at work on the move” -as Cisco and GE founders of the Industrial Internet Consortium publicly declare. While the translation of this ideal is the objectification of entire living labor and commons (should be read as human) to a global production process, why Rifkin celebrates this! If the plan is clearly to giving IP addresses to 50 billion devices in coming 10 years to form the IoE infrastructure, making it is possible a global scale surveillance an most logical outcome would be the total exploitation of artificially constructed happy playbouring produsers who would be living in sterile smart cities. As for the masses, there shall not be need for an hegemonic governance like bourgeois parliamentarian model what so ever in this new digital world. It has become clear by now that this ambitious capitalist project has the potential to replace the ancient industrial capitalism. It is certain by now that the fall of capitalism as we know it won’t be quite and painless. The attempt towards realizing this transition has brought about imperialist peripheral wars. If one look to the fierce clashes between Russian, Westerns and Chinese rulers in Syria, Iraq, Iran, Turkey, Georgia, Chechnya, Ukraine and other frontiers of the Empires, the naked truth would appears in clear vision. The fact that crack between two giant tectonic plates is about to break up to a truly global corrective war between ruling classes. Titans are getting ready to clash, and planning for the aftermath of the great cleansing, of billions of un-exploitable and expensive to feed human.
Date: 06 April 2014
Time: 13:00-15:30 PM (UK time)
Mumble Server: Occupy Talk
Server: occupytalk.org (has to be written exactly as it is)
Channel: Assemblies and Round Tables > OPEN SPACE
Nickname: Your name/nick
To those who are new to Mumble, it is recommended to join the meeting room 15-30min before the set time, in order to work out any technical problem that might occur at the spot!
How to join in a Mumble call?
If need help about using Mumble please ask beforehand by sending direct message on the GNUnion fb page.
Networganize and GNUnite to Knock-out PRISM!
Assembly call and information on ON workgroup:
Working Pad: http://titanpad.com/metastrike
The target of the meeting is not to figure out or discuss overall organisational tactics or strategies but to create commons tools for all autonomous groups’ use, so all networks which would invovle on the road can benefit and adopt to their self-determined strategy and tactics. Please invite interested with relevant skills for the preperatorty meeting which is taking place on the 16th of march, on Union Solidarity International’s BigBlueButton (BBB) server, which is hosted by May First-People Link. To join the meeting you do not need to download any software.
How to Join:
1. Browse to https://usilive.org/
2. Login, register or connect via one of your social media accounts.
3. Scroll-down and see on the right hand column ‘BIGBLUEBUTTON’ window.
4. Chose ‘Austerity in Greece’ in the ‘Meeting:’ bar and click join
0. Intro round and agenda formation
The below are some initial tasks needs to be discusses and taken further.
1. Collection and creation of pool for strike ideas
2. Collection and creation of material, audio, video, posters, caps..
3. Preparing basic multi-lingual networked-pads for twitter storm and facebook mob. teams
4. List of large accounts, bloggers, media links
5. Intelligence working group on PRISM contractors
Join in our other transnational networganizing efforts in progress…
GNUnion – Global Networked Labour Union
The below are Google Hangout videos taken from the USI’s website:
i. Hack the Union from US interviews with Andrew of Union Solidarity International: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=4U4FNAkZtSc
ii. A small step for unions, but a giant step for global labour
This following link is to a nice article by Walton Patland introducing the ON platform:
WED, 2/26/2014 – BY BERNARDO GUTIÉRREZ
From the Internet to the streets. Indignation and occupation. Police violence and calls to action without the typical go-betweens. Choral assemblies and revolts difficult to classify. A wish for participatory democracy and empowerment. Brazil’s so-called “June Journeys” —a 2013 period that witnessed a protest breakout— placed the South American giant on the global revolt map. They shared the call-to-action format, protest architecture and other imaginaries of Occupy Wall Street, 15M, #YoSoy132 and DirenGezi.
However, Brazil’s protests embodying the #VemPraRua cry had their own personality, as well as their clear singularities. The first difference strives in that the revolts initiated by the Movimento Passe Livre did not crystallize into a new network movement with its own name.
On 17 June 2011, I was invited to address the Syntagma Square occupation in Athens. After the talks, following the usual procedure, members of the occupation who had their number drawn came to the front to speak to the 10,000 people present. One man in particular was shaking and trembling with evident symptoms of stagefright before his address. He then proceeded to give a beautiful talk in perfectly formed sentences and paragraphs, presenting a complete and persuasive plan for the future of the movement.
“How did you do it?” I asked him later. “I thought you were going to collapse.”
“When I started speaking,” he replied nonchalantly, “I was mouthing the words but someone else was speaking. A stranger inside me was dictating what to say.”
Many participants in the recent insurrections and revolts make similar statements. My recent work addresses this stranger in me (a usual description of the unconscious), this miraculous transubstantiation shared by people in different parts of the world.