Draft text in-progress (post being updated)
Production of revolutionary (emancipatory-liberating) subject and subject of revolutionary (emancipatory-liberating) production Continue reading
By Enzo Rossi (Political Science) & Dan Hassler-Forest (English)
In Friday’s issue of De Volkskrant, Arthur Schram argues that all is well with the managerial university. Colleagues and students in the Maagdenhuis should just abandon their left-wing romanticism and get down to churning out the next batch of degrees, papers, or whatever they are told to produce. So let’s take a closer look at his arguments, of which we can discern two: (i) rendementsdenken mandates whatever restructuring it requires, and (ii) professional managers are the best judges of that.
The first argument trades on the ambiguity of the term rendementsdenken. The term is stretched over a continuum that runs from “balancing your books” to “maximizing your profits”. Hardly anyone disagrees with the former, and hardly anyone who works or studies at a university thinks that it should be run like a corporation, to enrich shareholders or management. In fact, hardly anyone thinks that way about any other kind of public service—such as health care and judiciary workers, for instance.
Mücadelelerden mücadelelere bir çağrı: barınma ve kent hakkı için müşterekler için; güvencesiz emeğe ve neoliberal kentleşmeye, savaş ve devlet militarizmine karşı ve yurttaşlık hakkı ve sığınmacılık özgürlüğü için yerel ve küresel mücadeleleri bağlayabilecek örgüt pratiklerini geliştirelim.
“Üçüncüsü yapılacak Agora99’u 2015’te İstanbul’da düzenleyelim!”
25 Ekim’de İstanbul’da düzenlenecek ön buluşma için forumlara ve ağlara çağrımızdır.
Dünya, 2011 yılından itibaren, gerçek anlamda ulusları aşan ve küresel ölçeğe erişen bir taban ayaklanmaları dalgasına tanıklık etmiştir. Tunus, Mısır, İzlanda, Yunanistan, İspanya, İsrail, Şili, İngiltere, ABD, Türkiye, Brezilya ve diğer birçok yerde insanlar adaletsizlik ve eşitsizliği protesto etmek ve demokrasi uğruna sokaklara dökülmüştür. Yıllardır süregelen mücadeleler yeni bir görünürlük kazanmış ve yeni hareketler ve mücadeleler vücut bulmuştur.
Yerel ölçekteki çeşitli meselelerin tetiklediği bu ayaklanmalar ilk bakışta birbirinden kopuk ve eşzamanlı olmayan bir niteliğe sahipmiş gibi görünebilir. Ancak, öz-örgütlenme, bağlantı ve yataylık bu ayaklanmaların ortak özelliği olmuştur: hepsi de demokratik karar almanın yeni biçimlerini uyguluyor ve lidersizlik niteliği taşıyor. Hepsi, meclisler, çalışma grupları ve yakınlaşma alanları aracılığıyla örgütleniyor ve sosyal medya zemininde ve çevrimiçi buluşmalarla kitlesel katılıma olanak sağlıyorlar.
Aynı zamanda, yerelliğin ve ulusların ötesine geçerek grupları, hareketleri ve bireyleri bölgesel, ulusal ve enternasyonal düzeyde birbirine yaklaştıran bağlar, ayaklanmaların yayılmasına ve devam etmesine ve dünyanın birçok yerinde, insanlık değerlerine dayalı ağların kurulmasına olanak sağlamıştır. Büyük meclisler öz-düşünme ve fikir teatisi imkânlarını ortaya çıkarmıştır.
Bunlardan biri de Agora99 olmuştur.
Gezi’yi Dünya Devrimsel sürecin Türkiye uğrağı olarak okumalı!
9/11’den beri giderek yükselen huzursuzluk ve öfke dalgası, işgaller ve yağmalar gözlemcilere hem büyük bir krizin hem de ona eşlik edecek devrimsel bir dalganın yaklaştığını haber veriyordu. Hatırlarsanız daha 2000’den önce Pentagon raporlarında ve daha sonra Bush’un meşhur Milli Güvenlik belgesinde de yer almıştı bu öngörüler. Wall Street’in zirvesi Lehman Brothers’ı uçurumun kenarından aşağıya elbirliğiyle iterken, işin renginin değiştiği belli olmuştu. Bu olayı izleyen küresel krizle birlikte Avrupa’da Fransa, Yunanistan, İzlanda, İngiltere ve diğer bir çok ülkede baş gösteren toplumsal patlamalar, daha sonrasında Burma ve Honduras’da yaşanan askeri darbeler, Haiti’deki gibi ABD’nin doğal afeti bile jeo(ekonomi)politik fırsata çevirme girişimleri ve bu arada Wisconsin gibi direnişler ve grevlerin ABD içinde şiddetlenmesi açık sinyalleri ile bir dünya devrimsel dalganın artık yükseldiğini işaret ediyordu.
Bu sinyalleri takip edenler Kuzey Afrika’da ilk önce Tunus hemen arkasından Mısır’da patlak veren olayları doğru algılayabildiler. Zaten bölgede uzun zamandır huzursuzluk, kriz ve açlık kol geziyordu. Tahrir Meydanı işgalini takip eden bir ay içinde neredeyse bütün Kuzey Afrika tutuştu. Bölgenin BOP uygulama alanı olması ve isyanların yayılış hızı herkeste bir şaşkınlık yarattı ve puslu bir ortam doğurdu. Fakat bir iki ay içerisinde kıvılcımların Avrupa’ya da sıçraması; İspanya’nın başkenti Madrid’in Taksimi olan Puerta Del Sol’un 15 Mayıs’da başlayarak 1.5 ay işgal altında tutulması, halk meclislerinin ve işgal çadırlarının yurt dışında okuyan İspanyol öğrenciler ve göçmenler aracılığı ile yayılması ve farklı ülkelerde kurulan yerel ağlar aracılığı ile bunların sürdürülmesi sis perdesini dağıttı. İspanya’da olaylar başladığında kurulan Take The Square ağı ve Democracia Real Ya (DRY – Gerçek Demokrasi Şimdi) ağına bağlı bazı küçük grupların Facebook, IRC (sohbet) ve Mumble üzerinde yürüttükleri örgütlenme, 15 Ekim 2011 için yapılan ve Paris ve Lizbon’da yapılan ulusötesi meclislerde onaylanan Küresel Devrim eylemi çağrısının yayılmasında önemli rol oynadılar. Aynı dönemde New York ve Washington’da da İspanyol öğrencilerin tetiklediği meclisler toplanıyor ve çadırlı işgal denemeleri yapılıyordu. Canada’da yayınlanan Adbuster dergisinin 17 Eylül’de Wall Street’i İşgal Ediyoruz (Occupy Wall Street) çağrısı geldi. New York’da toplanmaya başlayan meclisler ve eylemci ağları bu çağrıya karşılık verdiler. Nihayet uzun ve İsrail, Şili, Yunanistan, İtalya, Hİndistan gibi bir çok ülkede ayaklanmaların yaşandığı sıcak 2011 yazını takiben Eylül ayına kadar uzanan süreçte İspanya, New York ve diğer ülkelerden eylemciler arasında internet üzerinden yoğun ve ağ-örgütlü çalışmalar yürütüldü. Onlarca yaratıcı video ve poster ortaklaşa üretildi ve elden ele gelişerek son halini aldı. İspanyol DRY ağının girişimi ile 15-18 Eylül’de Barcelona’da aralarında Tunus, İtalya, Yunanistan ve diğer ülkelerden gelen eylemcilerin bulunduğu uluslararası bir ‘Hub Toplantısı’ yapıldı. 17 Eylül günü ise Wall Street’i işgal amacı ile başlayan protesto Zucotti Park’ın işgali ile sonuçlandı. Bir hafta içinde polisin aşırı şiddet uyguladığı saldırılar başlayana kadar sadece sosyal medyada infial yaratan bu işgal Eylül sonuna doğru ana akım medyaya da yansımaya başladı. Böylece daha önceden belirlenen tarihi eylem olan 15 Ekim yaklaştıkça halk ve halklar, her yerde işgal çadırları kurmaya, her yeri bir Tahrir, bir Sakarya Komünü’ne çevirmeye hazırlanmıştı bile. ABD içinde Eylül ayının 17’si ile 15 Ekim 2011 arasında çadırlı kent merkezi işgalleri bütün eyaletlere yayılmıştı ve Avrupanın bir çok şehirlerinde de denemeler yapılmaya başlanmıştı. Böylece 15 Ekim 2011, Küresel Devrim günü eylemi, çadırları ve büyük meydan işgallerini gezegen boyutuna taşıdı. Aynı günde 90’ı aşkın ülke ve 1000’i aşkın şehir merkezi benzer şekilde işgal edildi, çadırlar ve halk meclisleri kuruldu.
Algortihms of Capitalism is the new book curated by Matteo Pasquinelli. This link would direct the reader to the Italian version of this very exciting volume which brings together the Accelerationist Manifesto, some reactions to it, and some important reflections relevant to what Toni Negri calls ‘the #Accelerationist politics’ that can be drawn from the manifesto. Most of the articles have been already online in English as well. Here I collected some of those:
#Accelerate: Manifesto for an Accelerationist Politics by Alex Williams and Nick Srnicek
Matteo Pasquinelli: “To Anticipate and Accelerate: Italian Operaismo and Reading Marx’s Notion of Organic Composition of Capital”, Rethinking Marxism journal, vol. 26, n. 2, 2014.
another intriguining peiece from Pasquinelli: “The Power of Abstraction and Its Antagonism. On Some Problems Common to Contemporary Neuroscience and the Theory of Cognitive Capitalism”, Psychopathologies of Cognitive Capitalism, Part 2. Berlin: Archive Books, 2014.
Red stack attack! Algorithms, capital and the automation of the common by Tiziana Terranova:
On this blog [http://syntheticedifice.wordpress.com/] it also possible to follow other reactions and relevant discussion around the Accele-rationalism. Below is for instance a friendly but undermining critique by McKenzie Wark, taken from there:
To be honest #Accelerationist manifesto strongly attract my attention, excites me, but also frustrates me. It sounds, after several readings still, like an visionary but not a clear call for future. But it has sort of Kautskian and/or Plekhanovian politics 2.0 spirit, a dark and not clear prospect for politics. It suggests clearly that to be able to breakdown and break through the global networked cognitive savage capitalism we must lead it into a future trap, which we don’t know yet how, by Accelerating it until it is broken! There is a space opening to role of human (or transhuman) agency, as well as very strong social-deterministic view. That makes reader very neurotic.
Although the call sounds like a excitingly good-crazy idea, which I like, I still feel the need to step on the brake for a while and question the personal and collective awareness. First of all, it was always been hard for me to accept an idea that suggests that in order to, or if I want to, negate and transcend something very bad, first you need to let it be worsen, happen faster, conquer everything, and become more violent… then yes, we can! Even though the political imagery here says ‘push it harder towards the cliff’, sounds claver the most scary question remains untouched: ‘what if… what if it then still survives!’
It is great and energizing to hear about that such anger and hope being formulated from lest, in such intelligent way and modernist position; crying that the time is up and we need get away with this maniacal system as soon as possible. However, I find myself sympatyizing strongly with Wark’s friendly and smarter criticism, suggesting that ‘ok, lets get rid of it, but not accelerating it.. by hacking it, now!” I believe that Wark is right. There exist another ways to hack and crack capitalist modes of production, instead of accelerating these sociopathalogic structures. How?:
Agreeing with many others who think global working class is currently making it self through ongoing and intensifying struggles, I would formulate a good hack, as a bottom up class project, surely one part of wider free libre and open source code, of which algorithms are currently being written: “The seed form of the self-organisation of the global working classes needs to be simultaneously well grounded, transnational, and global. It needs also be open, free/gratis and accessible for all the working people; so that they can freely enter and leave it. As modularly integrated organized networks it should be aiming at and capable of linking industrial, digital and informational workers, like hackers, academics, artists, sex-, domoestic-, immigrant- workers so on, all fragments of the working classes, as well as social-, environmental-, cultural-, informational-, gender- justice activists. Adoptable principles and protocols, in form of the ‘code’, which can be pre-determined, as the coding process itself, has to be well documented, open and accessible to local, workplace, neighbourhood, issue based, activist or other forms of political collectives. It should be operating similar to Anonymous, 15M, Occupy, Gezi and other decentralized forms, yet based on more advanced and structured working protocols, closer to FLOSS projects, grassroots and worker’s owned cooperatives. It should not include membership, service, representation sort of logics that at the end leads to the reproduction of disempowerment for involving nodes, creating clientalism. Such form should not be organized by professional intellectuals and activists from outside in, and from top down towards the working people. With an opposite perspective, it should be an open design process led by volunteer participation, based on self-governing and representation principles.
It should be able to put forward creative, assertive and effective direct non-violent mass action, which makes fun of and ridicule the target by allowing the formation of collective intelligence. An active peer-to-peer self-learninig protocols and praxis should be at the core cultural production and re-creation beyond straitjacket put on the working ‘class’. Instead of having teachers who must show the right and enlightened road to the candidate working class members, who needs to get a self-consciousness, a global and networked labour union should be providing working people with the access to the tools, resources and key networks that would make self- empowerment easily possible. By linking spaces where continuous open exchanges take place and carry the energy from one space to other. Utilizing How to(s), Do it Yourself and Do it With Others guides, in online and real world context, by FLOSS communication tools as well as mass-action tactics it would replace top down (issue-anger-action) organizing model, which would allow self-articulation, respectful and collaborative working praxis by harmonized through peer-to-peer digital communication where possible and desirable, as well as face to face and secure meetings, cultural and recreational events. It should be collaborating with other organizations, creative and productive projects that undermines capitalist mode of production and develop the algorithms and codes of alternative modes, as operating systems that could replace capitalism. Such global network needs to grow by linking existing radical networks groups of activists, hackers, organizers, makers, DIY groups, squatters, eco-willages, diggers, immigrants, asylum seekers, solidarity networks, and so on. In a way all nodes could associate with the globally networked ties, while keeping their autonomy. Instead of #Accelerate, a better, a more zen and transcendent motto we need might be #KeepCalm and “All empower one, one empower all!”…
Below text is an excpert from unpublished and unedited 2012 article Another World, Now! Coming of the Transnational REvolutions and the P2P Prince.
The modern prince, the myth-prince, cannot be a real person, a concrete individual. It can only be an organism, a complex element of society in which a collective will, which has already been recognised and has to some extent asserted itself in action, begins to take concrete form. (A. Gramsci)
Italian political activist and theorist Antonio Gramsci’s core concepts like hegemony, organic crisis, historic bloc, war of position and war of manoeuvre are central to our understanding of today’s complex global capitalist system as well as the catastrophic changes that are currently taking place in it. Referring to the original concept developed by Gramsci, global political economy theorist Stephen Gill describes the 2008 global financial turmoil as the manifestation of an organic crisis at the global level.  We can also read the outcomes of the global organic crisis following another neo-Gramscian theorist Robert Cox as a mixture of three scenarios he describes. First one is a global (military) Keynesian recovery being pushed by the West. Regional wars moving from the periphery to the centre involving massive destruction of lives, cities and the nature, as we witness it happening since the 9/11. The second scenario is the rise of global fascism in tandem with the regional wars. This has also been happening, especially increasingly in the centre, since 2007; highlighting the race to the bottom caused by the strengthening of totalitarian forms of capitalism at the main contenders like China, Russia and India. Finally and the last scenario is accompanying transnational revolutions, like the uprisings in the northern Africa, Americas and Europe also happening.
What brought humanity to this point is not a secret and also made clear by many thinkers, intellectuals, and activists. The above mentioned article by Gill is only one of the public records. It is very clear however where we have to drive history as the humanity, the third option: Transnational revolutions. Again, following Gramsci and Gill, we can think of the realisation of the transnational revolutions in relation to the ‘Prince’. For his time Gramsci thought of it as the collective subjectivity which will give the moral leadership to a wider counter-hegemonic historic bloc, and shape the form and content of the communist revolution in a national context. And it was the communist part of the working class. Gill referred to the anti- and alter-globalisation movement. Continue reading
Calafou is dedicated to encourage productive projects related with our ideas about ecology (environmental care, waste management, etc.), social economy, assemblies and a list of other requirements specified in this document. All productive projects are presented and coordinated through the Projects workgroup, and are then proposed for approval at Calafou’s general assembly.
Collective projects (which profits go for the colony), autonomous projects (initiatives from a person or a specific collective), and collective spaces (which enable project development or are the framework for community life) all coexist in Calafou. Some current projects are: the social center; Circe, a chemistry lab for research and production of soaps, oleates and essences; the hacklab, a place for collective work and learning; the serigraphy workshop; the collective workshop. All of them have been developed by Calafou’s inhabitants.
Among the projects for self-provision or sale we have home-made preserves, marmalades, or bread. There are also autonomous projects such as the garage “El noi del sucre“ or the MutangerLab (electronics, welding, and more).
Central shed which harbors:
via Projects | Calafou.
Call for building together a transnational space of initiative for a Europe from below, through, against and beyond current Europe
This Charter was born of a deep malaise: lack of prospects, mass unemployment, cuts in social rights and benefits, evictions, political and financial corruption, dismantling of public services. It was drafted in reaction to the social majority’s growing lack of confidence in the promises of a political system devoid of legitimacy and the ability to listen.
The two-party system, widespread corruption, the financial dictatorship imposed by austerity policies and the destruction of public goods have dealt the final blow to a democracy long suffering from its own limits. These limits were already present in the 1978 Constitution. They can be summarized as a political framework that neither protects society from the concentration of power in the hands of the financial groups, nor from the consolidation of a non-representative political class. This political framework has established a system which is hardly open to citizen participation, and unable to construct a new system of collective rights for our protection and common development. This is evident in the fact that, despite some very significant public demonstrations, the demands of the vast majority of the population have repeatedly been ignored.
Faced with this institutional stonewalling and the growing separation between the rulers and the ruled, it seems there’s only one way out: a deep expansion of democracy based on citizen control over political and economic power. Surely, since what’s left of democracy is constantly shrinking and attempts at internal reform would only mean repeating the same mistakes, we must take a chance on changing the rules of the game – a democratic change, geared toward returning to society the effective decision-making ability over all which concerns it.
Chaos and dictatorship are not the only alternatives to the current democracy. A democracy created among all people is possible – a democracy not reduced to merely voting, but founded on participation, citizen control and equal rights.
This Charter emerged from the desire to contribute to this process of democratization. In this sense, it contributes from a place of joy, from the energy of citizen mobilizations, from politics happening outside political parties, speaking in first person plural and trying to build a life worth living for everyone. No doubt the impetus is democracy itself. People have the ability to invent other forms of governing themselves and living together. This text was created with the assurance that today’s struggles are the basis of the coming democracy.
As this is a proposal of democratization, this Charter is presented as an unfinished, long-term construction project, openly inviting anyone to participate. This charter isn’t meant to be a political program or an exhaustive catalogue of rights, nor does it pretend to be a static State model. Given our investment in democratization, it simply points towards the basic, necessary elements needed to reconstruct a new institutional model that is open to the collective needs, proposals and capacity for self-governance that has recently found its voice throughout streets, squares and networks. Seen this way, the participative, deliberative process we yearn for matters as much as its content, which should always be a faithful reflection of the proposals and aspirations of the citizenry.
In essence, this Charter calls for opening a new process of debate, leading to a political and economic restructuring to guarantee life, dignity and democracy. It’s presented here as a contribution towards establishing a new social contract, a process of democratic reform in which the people — the “anyones”— are the true protagonists.
It’s time for the citizens to appropriate public institutions and resources, in order to ensure their defense, control and fair distribution. In the public squares and networks, we’ve learned something simple and conclusive which will forever change our way of being in the world. We’ve learned that yes, we can.
A democracy worthy of the name requires universal recognition of a wide constellation of rights related to all areas of public life and social reproduction. The decline in access to benefits and social services, the plundering by the financial dictatorship, and the dismantling of public welfare systems by austerity policies in recent decades have all significantly undermined the means of effectively exercising these rights. Similarly, access to many of these rights is conditional upon nationality and employment status, which has ended up producing major exclusion. Moreover, the subordinate nature of social rights in the current Constitution has not allowed sufficient development of certain fundamental issues such as housing, employment and income.
In short, both the inherent limits of the current system and the impotence of the Spanish political regime in protecting the most basic of rights are strong enough reasons for the creation of a new institutional system of rights and guarantees that enable caring, the development of our lives, and access to political life.
This Charter puts forward a common starting point for defining a new system of rights. Today, these rights have arisen from the demands and struggles of society itself, and expressed through its multiple forms of organization and participation; as such they are the highest expression of the act of democracy.
These rights redefine social relations, the production and distribution of wealth, and relations between nation-states according to a concept of the human being as a subject with the right to autonomy, but still in deep interdependence with the common space s/he inhabits. To this extent, these rights oppose being characterized as merely individual attributions. These rights must be recognized from both a universal as well as a singular dimension.
In order to guarantee these rights, we require an institutional framework that recognizes and promotes access to an active and democratic political life, and the recognition of the right to collective and direct participation as a real opportunity for the expression of the citizens’ desire to decide on everything which significantly affects the community. This framework should also be fully inclusive; one that accepts that we live in a global world, and acknowledges people’s right to migrate and/or settle where they see fit, in order to live life fully. A framework that could safeguard a life – our own – which, being interdependent, requires protection. This would comprise institutions specifically designed to ensure social reproduction, while neither delegating care labor to particular social groups nor permitting the privatization of that labor. A framework which also guarantees and extends all the rights already recognized in existing frameworks, constitutions and declarations of human rights, and which also recognizes the environment wherein life takes place as a rights-holder that should be carefully defended. This framework must, in the end, recognize society as a source of rights, therefore it must be considered open and under constant construction.
The basic principles which inspire a new, robust Bill of Rights with a guarantee of institutional means are:
Finally, it is understood that a subject of rights is also a subject of responsibilities, insofar as she or he is part of a community built around a common project. These responsibilities extend to the environment we inhabit, and include accepting the responsibility to care for it, protect it and enable its reproduction, and in doing so, our own. Such responsibility involves all citizens, but is distributed according to the differences of wealth and ability.
The crisis has shown that the decisions of the political class are increasingly controlled by financial interests, and therefore, that democratic Government is conditioned by private enterprise. This situation has lasting repercussions, having provoked a major crisis of legitimacy and representation, aggravated by a state of continued corruption and underscoring the serious lack of existing democratic control.
In any case, the limits of the political system are not recent; rather, they’re structural. These problems can be summed up as: bipartisanship; one-party government in most autonomous communities; difficulty creating new political options; media monopolies; and, especially, the enormous legal difficulties in reforming a Constitution which, moreover, has never been approved by most of the current population.
This is compounded by the fact that political parties – the major players in political life – have turned into a self-serving class, primarily geared towards its own propagation. Without a doubt, institutional obstacles to direct participation hamper the imagination and formation of a political framework founded upon the direct involvement of ordinary people in public affairs..
The decline of the current democracy manifests itself in neglecting the demands of different sectors of society, thus magnifying the distance between legislated policies and what the people say they need. This growing gap between the rulers and the ruled results in the democratic deficit of a system that has prioritized governability over representation and respect for minorities.
The limits of the current democratic system cannot be resolved from the same position from which they arose. Therefore, in order to establish a true democracy, an overhaul is needed.
This Charter advocates a form of democracy capable of returning decision-making power concerning the fundamental aspects of life back to the population. A democracy based on participation in social and political life, one which enables joint decisions on how we want to live. It is, therefore, a wager on a new political agreement built in an open way and with the active participation of citizens. A new agreement based on the recognition of society’s capacity to organize, create institutions, and self-govern.
The construction of this democracy requires a series of agile, effective, and transparent mechanisms articulated on different levels and geared towards both deepening direct participation and the control of delegation, via representation, as deemed appropriate.
Some actions that could give shape to a new democratic political system are as follows:
A mature political democracy will not only allow for the real and effective separation of the different powers of the state, but also for direct citizen control of the latter. According to this charter, the judiciary, state police, and security forces will also be subject to the same requisites of transparency, democratization and citizen control. Its ranking heads shall not be chosen by political representatives but directly by the citizenry itself.
A democratic society cannot be conceived without the guarantee of the necessary material support for the development of a dignified and politically active life. A democratic society without a fairer distribution of wealth cannot be conceived.
The high unemployment figures, the widespread insecurity, the spiral of evictions, the debt slavery condemning a large part of the population, the privatization of public services, the enormous concentration of wealth and the subordination of public economies to banking interests all point in the opposite direction: inequality and economic subordination of the many (99%) to a few (1%).
The current democracy as well as the constitutional guarantees on which it is based have been completely ineffective in avoiding this situation. None of the mechanisms set out in the Constitution of 1978 – social rights, labor rights, public initiatives in the economic sphere and the subordination of the wealth to the social interest, among others – have been able to protect society from economic and financial interests. Neo-liberal policies have prevailed above any other criteria, including the common good. This despoilment is most evident now, in the midst of the crisis.
This Charter intends to recover the social resources which have been privatized and concentrated into a few hands, in order to make them available for a real democratic process. Thus, the framework proposed by austerity politics will not be accepted. Never before has there been so much wealth, but rarely has this been distributed so poorly and under such undemocratic and unfair criteria. Therefore, a full review of the functions of economic policies is required, in order to prioritize of the welfare of the population over private, financial and corporate profit. A real, and not just formal, recognition that the laws of the market must always be subsumed to the social functions of the economy is essential.
With the aim of promoting economic democracy, this charter considers five basic pillars:
Financial wealth will be considered as a common resource, upon which the citizenship must have the capacity and ability to influence. “Who regulates are the people, not the market” is the maxim that inspired this point. To do so, procedures will be established for democratic decision making on the debt contracted during recent years, as well as on financial and real estate assets in public hands derived from the restructuring of financial markets and the banking sector. To this end, the following measures are proposed:
The object of the reform entails the promotion of a broad redistribution of expenditures and benefits, so that a formal equality is also a guaranteed real material equitability with access to common and public goods.
Privatization processes have shown that public administrations have not protected public resources against attempts at appropriation by private interests. The social recovery of these goods, as well as the democratization of their management, must guarantee their accessibility by the population as a whole.
This Charter promotes citizen participation in business-related decision-making processes, especially in matters which could be crucial to the common interest. In addition, economic activity will be subordinated to criteria of integral profitability, i.e. social, environmental and economic.
Our current system of Social Security is principally funded by income tax contributions and is only inclusive according to criteria of national legal identity. In a globalised context, where employment is scarce and non-remunerated work is seen as essential to the production of wealth, migration has become an elemental necessity for an impoverished population. As such, the prior bases of our system of social protection have proven to be increasingly inefficient and less inclusive.
An expansion of the pension system to comply with just and sufficient standards is required. Another requirement is an expansion of the support mechanisms and infrastructures for collective caretaking, which presently falls almost exclusively on families (particularly, women). Child-rearing duties are a collective responsibility with the following two requirements: the necessary budgetary development and allocation, and the creation of common infrastructures.
The production of non-GDP quantified wealth (in areas such as research, study, cultural, informational or communicative production) shall also be acknowledged through mechanisms for the recognition of all such non-remunerated wealth (such as a Basic Income), along with the creation of all the necessary infrastructures for the development of such mechanisms.
This new system of guarantees will be financed by the proposed measures for fiscal reform, especially through the taxation of financial profit and its circulation, while also reducing the proportion of income tax.
The current financial and economic crisis has shown the weakening of democracy at every level, as well as the fragility of territorial wealth-sharing mechanisms. The dictates of financial governance through austerity policies have established an extraordinary geography of inequality, plunging some countries and regions into the economic and social abyss.
The result is an important territorial split opening up both at the European level and in the Spanish state. In Europe, the absence of democratic intervention mechanisms and the crisis of sovereign debt have created a growing rift between a protected center and an increasingly impoverished periphery. In the Spanish state, the heavy indebtedness of municipalities and regions is leading to the dismantling of social protection systems and the sale of many public goods.
Both cases show a growing loss of territorial solidarity and the legitimacy of government institutions. This threatens a collapse that can only be addressed through a complete institutional reorganization based on democracy and territorial stewardship.
This charter invites discussion for a new territorial agreement at all levels, based on a radically democratic model. It is based on the assumption that decisions about the management of resources and services should be developed at the minimum level of the territorial unit, and forms of the distribution of wealth must be organized within the larger Commons to ensure equity between the territories.
In this way, it is intended to minimize the inequalities between them, compensating for the inequalities generated by models of territorial jurisdiction.
The new territorial agreement model shall be the result of democratic consultation and cooperation among the various territorial units. It should acknowledge the widest possible plurality, and build itself up from its residents’ right to democratically decide on their belonging or not to the different territorial units.
Territorial Democracy will be based on the following principles.
The institutional development of the different territorial scales will be carried out starting from the following principles:
New forms of social mobilization have outdated previous political practices. Network movements are a new “social atmosphere” that imbues irreversibly other social and political actors. How can we categorize them?
“We are the social network.” This slogan adorned a huge banner on the demonstration in Rio de Janeiro on 17 June 2013 1. The banner from that #17J, the day when the Passe Livre (free fares) protests became a rebellion, explains more about the new paradigms of collective mobilisation than many doctoral theses.
Of the twenty people or so who held the banner, none had political party, union or political organisations’ flags. A few days after the “We are the social network” demonstration, some organisations of the traditional left tried to join the protests with their usual methods: closed identities (symbolic colours, banners), unity structures (blocs), hierarchies (leaders, spokespeople) and identifiable political messages. They were trying to be part of the crowd that was taking to the streets of the main cities of Brazil, and also reacting to the advance of conservative groups that were trying to take the leadership of the protests against the government of Dilma Rousseff. The ‛crash’ between traditional organisations and the multitude reached its peak on 21 June at Paulista Avenue, the main street in São Paulo. The demonstration moved towards Brigadeiro subway station. On the left side, heterogeneous protesters (skaters, LGBT groups, Anonymous mask-wearers, families) walked in a dispersed way, without party symbols. On the right side, organisations and leftist movements occupied the street, marching in a bloc and waving flags.
On May 24, a coalition of neighborhood groups, students, labor unions, and other civil society organizations convened a popular assembly in Valparaíso, the major Chilean port city devastated by a raging fire last month. Announcing their aim to develop a grassroots plan for the recovery and reconstruction of Valparaíso, the Coordinadora for the Defense of Valparaíso also demanded a temporary freeze on construction permits and the resignation of right-wing mayor Jorge Castro.
“The destruction and abandonment of Valparaíso, of which this conflagration is an unfortunate result, has authors who must assume [responsibility for] the consequences of their reproachable acts and omissions,” the Coordinadora’sstatement reads in part. The Coordinadora blames powerful political and economic interests for the “twin tragedies” of abandonment and real estate speculation that are destroying Valparaíso, and wants them to be held accountable.
This wiki is a meta-strike developing space created by GNUnion. Inviting interested digital and analog workers, labour and union activists to use it for inventing, initiating and networganising collective hactions to target Meta-Data abuses of the Capital. Besides PRISM contractors, there is a need to forge class struggle against digital capitalists of Amazon.com, Huffington Post, and others who undermines human dignity and rights, gained after hundereds of years fighting back!
*Operation PRISM Knock-out!
Objective: To stop PRISM contractors abusing people and data, and promote an escape route to FLOSS alternatives
Targets: Facebook, Google, Microsoft, Apple, Twitter, Skype, Yahoo
Twitter: GNUnion – One Big Mesh Network
*Operation Mechanical Jurk
Objective: developing direct hacktion operation targeting Amazon.com’s Mechanical Turk mass-exploitative model
The below are Google Hangout videos taken from the USI’s website:
i. Hack the Union from US interviews with Andrew of Union Solidarity International: https://www.youtube.com/watch?feature=player_embedded&v=4U4FNAkZtSc
ii. A small step for unions, but a giant step for global labour
This following link is to a nice article by Walton Patland introducing the ON platform:
On 17 June 2011, I was invited to address the Syntagma Square occupation in Athens. After the talks, following the usual procedure, members of the occupation who had their number drawn came to the front to speak to the 10,000 people present. One man in particular was shaking and trembling with evident symptoms of stagefright before his address. He then proceeded to give a beautiful talk in perfectly formed sentences and paragraphs, presenting a complete and persuasive plan for the future of the movement.
“How did you do it?” I asked him later. “I thought you were going to collapse.”
“When I started speaking,” he replied nonchalantly, “I was mouthing the words but someone else was speaking. A stranger inside me was dictating what to say.”
Many participants in the recent insurrections and revolts make similar statements. My recent work addresses this stranger in me (a usual description of the unconscious), this miraculous transubstantiation shared by people in different parts of the world. 
All the fists of the world are GNUniting!
First Brainstorm – Online Meeting This Sunday at 13.00 PM GMT
We are the workers whose free labour and privacy has been stolen, and sold
for greed! We have been abused, spied on and betrayed constantly. Before
this massive exploitation and surveillance machine turns into a global
apparatus in the hands of fascism, being operationalized for direct
oppression, we have to unite our fists and strike back!
This May Day is the time… How and what is not decided yet, there are
initial ideas but much is needed to put the global collective intelligence
at work to defend our and our children’s rights and dignity! Join us this
Sunday and bring your most free, creative, powerful and peaceful ideas and
dreams along… We did beat Freon, Caesars, Barons, Kings, Emperors,
Merchants, Industrial Capitalists and Nazis in the past, we can beat the
TNCs, CEOs and 1% as well!
We call all the workers, hackers, makers, farmers, artists, indignant and
outraged to GNUnite all their constructive capacity around the most
spectacular free libre and open sourced swarm to fight back and win!
Hasta la Siempre Victoria!
Facebook Event: https://www.facebook.com/events/593164267417330/
HashTags: #WREF, #www
#www call: http://gnunion.wordpress.com/www/
Hosted by GNUnion – One Big Meshwork for All the Working People
Again, 2014 will be full of struggles, actions and mobilisations for a real global change. This Mumble call will be about starting a new series of forums and assemblies that are open to all individuals who will able to make independent efforts from any corporate, state and NGO funded agenda and; who could be exactly themselves when changing the world, when getting together, discussing and collaborating with others; either as a part of a collective, group, network or individually, and by using either online, or face to face means, or both.
Global Networked Labour Union, GNUnion – One Big Mesh Network, is the released 1.0 Beta version of new generation, free to join, borderless worker self-organisation, a work in progress. Its main ispiration is the history, struggle and experiences of Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) on the one hand, and free-libre, and open source software GNU/Linux, on the other.
GNUnion is also inspired by comrades standing against global capitalism in women, Lgbt, immigrant, environmental and social justice movements, Zapatistas, anti & alter golobalisation movements, social forums, free knowledge- information and culture movements; as part of organisations like WikilLeaks, Caos Computer Club, MayFirst People Link, or of recent wave of digital and real world uprisings Anonymous, 15M, Occupy, Gezi and others.
“What can we do to change things?” It’s hard to avoid this issue when considering the sad state of our societies …
Let us quickly recall some elements in explaining the genealogy of this political crisis.
Poverty proceeds from a dialectic that Marx revealed diligently: a minority monopolizes wealth at the expense of a majority that nevertheless embodies the lifeblood of a society. This majority progressively structured by the aggregate of individual interests, becomes powerless before the interpenetration of financial monopolies.
And yet if there is a way out of this debacle, it is in our collective strength, particularly when arranged in a synergistic manner.
This is what we think.
OUTER-NATIONAL SOLIDARITY EVENING
We, as a group of outer-national activists organize an evening to bring all other activists from different countries who care about human rights, democracy and nature together.
Finally we all fight for the same reasons but we don’t really come together. Isn’t time to have and evening together to meet, get to know each other, share our stories, experience, food, music, dance, film etc?
Hopefully it will be a very nice evening with lots of pleasure and it will be a great beginning of a long term solidarity between all of us.
Please bring some food, some ingredients to cook (we have a very nice kitchen:-), prepare yourself to tell about what your concerns are, what’s your story as an activist, bring your instruments, film or what ever that you like to share with us.
The evening will be in two parts:
I – Creative part
We will cook, make a music rehearsal, paint, make posters/banners etc. All at the some time.
II – Presentations
Concerts, dance, film, speeches, sharing ideas etc.
Please contact one of us for more info and it would be great if you could inform us if your coming.
Warm greetings and hopefully see you all on saturday.
26 October 2013, saturday
Deniz Yıldırım – firstname.lastname@example.org – 06-30 11 01 33
Selim Doğru – email@example.com – 06-13 23 46 84
Jun Saturay – firstname.lastname@example.org – 06-22 12 71 86