Modes of Foreign Relations, Uneven and Combined Development, and Tektology

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In 2007 I did write a review article for the first volume of Kees Van Der Pijl’s magnum opus: Modes of Foreign Relations and Political Economy, subtitled as Nomads, Empires, States. The title of my review article was “Modes of Foreign Relations vs Uneven and Combined Development: The Marxist Legacy and Relations between and within Alienated Societies”, and it was published by the journal of International Sociology in 2008. The text is online and can be accessed here. Just for self-crediting note, it was written before the reviewed book won the Isaac Deutscher prize in 2008, and the topic was discussed by a panel during the sixth Historical Materialism conference, which also hosts the Isaac Deutscher prize ceremony. Thus it was written independently from the separate journal symposium held on Cambridge Review of International Affairs in 2009 on the topic; and more importantly without any knowledge of the exchange (Alex Anievas refers in the intro to the CRIA symposium) took place between Justin Rosenberg and Alex Callinicos on “UE&CD and the international” somewhere in 2007.

The second and the third volumes of Van Der Pijl’s trilogy titled as The Foreign Encounter in Myth and Religion and The Discipline of Western Supremacy. Both volumes did exceeded my expectations, satisfying enthusiasm I got with the first volume. Although it was my intention I could not yet write a review for the entire work, nevertheless it would be just to say that Van Der Pijl’s trilogy has already taken its place amongst the 21st century classics. Along the pages of the three volumes Van Der Pijl applies Marx’ method of abstraction, that is historical and dialectical materialism, to the relations between alienated world societies, thus to the field of ‘foreign relations’, independently. Doing so the whole project not only smashes the cold blooded, state-maniacal, and disciplinary ‘International Relations’ to the ground, by a strong argument politicizing and historicizing it based on rich empirical material; but it also does so by providing a brilliant historical materialist analysis for rethinking modern nationalism. Van Der Pijl also claims that applying Marx methodology, in a similar way, on different fields of social life, as ideology, power and so on, and integrating those analyses that would be possible to develop a more complete Marxian state and class theories that are essential to advance the critique of today’s global political economy.

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Networked Labour University Information Bulletin No. 1 | 1-7 May 2015 [ENGLISH] | Networked Labour

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1. Culture and knowledge for classless societies is networked in process! 

Networked Labour University is designed as an educational module to be integrated with a broader network composed of Global Networked Labour Union, Networked Labour Research unit, and networked labour coop GNLU. Tied to a greater ecology of universal, free and open access community projects, such as Faircoop, the Earth Cooperative, all our projects aim mutual empowerment at the bottom level. Unconditional empowerment of the dis-empowered, excluded, and oppressed with direct solidarity is the reason why we exist for. Our platform is designed to liberate knowledge from alienation and domination of any kind at the point of production and distribution. In order to enable money-free access to most essential cultural resources we rely on free/libre, open source software, but the platform also aims to facilitate broader solidarity economy by encouraging and enabling open-cooperative exchanges between participants.

Our invitation is an wide open one, anyone can join and contribute by offering and taking courses, moderating circles or skill shares, helping out with web design, platform development, promotion, or any other way!

2. Networked Labour University Opening Meeting

Date: 7 May 2015
Time: 14.00 – 17.00 (ECT / UCT+1)

Check-ins (14:00 – 14:15)

Opening and presentation of the system (14:15 – 15:00)
Networked Labour University and Worker to Worker Study Circles

Discussion (15:15 – 16:45)
How to use cross-border communication and which digital tools to build commons knowledge, culture, politics, and economy for the classless society and from the oppressed point of view?

Closing and Check-outs (16:45 – 17:00)

Access: Participation is on-line, open and free. What you need to do to is to open an account on the website below and to selfenrol for the event before. Working languages are English/Turkish

Website: networkedlabour.networg.nl/moodle
Email: networg@networg.nl

Click here to register as a user 

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Commons Internet | Summit IS4IS | International Society for Information Studies (IS4IS)

2_v2The ICTs-and-Society Network has published its 2015 call: ICTS 2015. The Summit is also the ICTS 2015 (besides FIS 2015, ICPI 2015 and DTMD 2015).

(source http://icts-and-society.net/events/5th-icts-and-society-conference/)

It’s all about the commons – the Internet as a commons. The call for papers lists more than 20 sub-topics. The main questions are: “What are the main challenges that the Internet and social media are facing in capitalism today? What potentials for an alternative, commonist Internet are there? What are existing hindrances for such an Internet? What is the relationship of power structures, protest movements, societal developments, struggles, radical reforms, etc. to the Internet? How can critical political economy and critical theory best study the Internet and social media today?”

(source http://icts-and-society.net/events/5th-icts-and-society-conference/)

via Commons Internet | Summit IS4IS | International Society for Information Studies (IS4IS).

Digital Labor, Nov 14-16, NYC, US

Digital Labor

SWEATSHOPS, PICKET LINES, AND BARRICADES will bring together designers, labor organizers, theorists, social entrepreneurs, historians, legal scholars, independent researchers, cultural producers and perspectives from workers themselves to discuss emerging forms of mutual aid and solidarity.

The third in The New School’s Politics of Digital Culture Conference Series Sponsored by The New School and The Institute for Distributed Creativity.

Over the past decade, advancements in software development, digitization, an increase in computer processing power, faster and cheaper bandwidth and storage, and the introduction of a wide range of inexpensive, wireless-enabled computing devices and mobile phones, set the global stage for emerging forms of labor that help corporations to drive down labor costs and ward off the falling rate of profits.

Companies like CrowdFlower, oDesk, or Amazon.com’s Mechanical Turk serve as much more than payment processors or interface providers; they shape the nature of the tasks that are performed. Work is organized against the worker. Recent books included The Internet as Playground and Factory (Scholz, 2013), Living Labor (Hoegsberg and Fisher) based on the exhibition Arbeitstid that took place in Oslo in 2013 and Cognitive Capitalism, Education, and Digital Labour (Peters, Bulut, et al, eds., Peter Lang, 2011). In 2012, the exhibition The Workers was curated by MASS MOCA in the United States. Christian Fuchs’ book Digital Labor and Karl Marx is forthcoming with Routledge.

Several events have been organized in the last few years to focus on these developments: Digital Labor: the Internet as Playground and Factory conference (The New School, New York City, 2009 http://digitallabor.org), Digital Labor: Workers, Authors, Citizens (Western University, London, Ontario, Canada, 2009), Invisible Labor Colloquium (Washington University Law School, 2013), Towards Critical Theories of Social Media (Uppsala University, Sweden, 2012), Re:publica (Berlin, 2013), and the Chronicles of Work lecture series at Schloß Solitude (Stuttgart, Germany, 2012/2013).

We would like to continue and elaborate on these discussions by raising the following questions:

via Digital Labor.

The P2P Prince?: The form and the program of the transnational REvolutionary subjectivity

Below text is an excpert from unpublished and unedited 2012 article Another World, Now! Coming of the Transnational REvolutions and the P2P Prince.

The  modern  prince,  the  myth-prince,  cannot  be  a  real  person,  a  concrete individual. It can only be an organism, a complex element of society in which a collective will, which has  already been recognised and has to some  extent asserted itself in action, begins to take concrete form. (A. Gramsci)

 

Italian political activist and theorist Antonio Gramsci’s core concepts like hegemony, organic crisis, historic bloc, war of position and war of manoeuvre are central to our understanding of today’s complex global capitalist system as well as the catastrophic changes that are currently taking place in it. Referring to the original concept developed by Gramsci, global political economy theorist Stephen Gill describes the 2008 global financial turmoil as the manifestation of an organic crisis at the global level. [1] We can also read the outcomes of the global organic crisis following another neo-Gramscian theorist Robert Cox as a mixture of three scenarios he describes.[2] First one is a global (military) Keynesian recovery being pushed by the West. Regional wars moving from the periphery to the centre involving massive destruction of lives, cities and the nature, as we witness it happening since the 9/11. The second scenario is the rise of global fascism in tandem with the regional wars. This has also been happening, especially increasingly in the centre, since 2007; highlighting the race to the bottom caused by the strengthening of totalitarian forms of capitalism at the main contenders like China, Russia and India. Finally and the last scenario is accompanying transnational revolutions, like the uprisings in the northern Africa, Americas and Europe also happening.[3]

What brought humanity to this point is not a secret and also made clear by many thinkers, intellectuals, and activists. The above mentioned article by Gill is only one of the public records. It is very clear however where we have to drive history as the humanity, the third option: Transnational revolutions. Again, following Gramsci and Gill, we can think of the realisation of the transnational revolutions in relation to the ‘Prince’. For his time Gramsci thought of it as the collective subjectivity which will give the moral leadership to a wider counter-hegemonic historic bloc, and shape the form and content of the communist revolution in a national context. And it was the communist part of the working class. Gill referred to the anti- and alter-globalisation movement. Continue reading

Geopolitics and Cognition

This ‘about’ section addresses a number of topics about this site, the reader, and the editor.

Who is “us”?

The “us” in the tittle of this section includes to the reader as well.

The reader may ask him or herself how to respond to the information and ideas in this site or ask oneself to what degree one wants to take responsibility for the geopolitical situation.

This site is targeted to people who prefer to gradually increase their control over one’s own affairs, priorities, and destiny over a life of constant or increasing supervision and guidance. This site is therefore aimed at people who want to take some — non-negligible — responsibility for their own and other’s situations.

This site is not targeted at people who recognize themselves as typical [authoritarians][Dependent thought — authoritarians] with no intention to develop towards more libertarian modes of thought.

Quite a bit of the content of this site is easily interpreted as highly derogatory towards people — actually the large majority in our Western Societies — who did not (yet) have had the chance to develop beyond the level of dependent thought to [independent thought][Independent thought — libertarians].

Sorry for that. The intention is not derogatory, but factual and scientific. No one can be blamed for being authoritarian. But some blame might be in order if authoritarians adhere to and support authorities that abuse their trust and loyalty at the detriment of others and, quite likely, oneself. If you are being tricked by a con-man it makes sense to blame yourself of your own gullibility. Only blaming the con-man for exploiting your gullibility while not learning from the experience is a open invitation to be abused again.

What is this site?

This site is a [open source research] project addressing the many strong links between geopolitics and cognition. It is about wisdom and foolishness, about empowerment and self-enslavement, about good and evil, and about the mindsets and strategies of the empowered and the disempowered. It is a open source research project in the sense that it is open for everyone to read, to follow its development, to contribute to, and above all to learn from and empower yourself.

As research project it is open to (constructive) criticism. So please use the contact form if you see opportunities to improve formulations, correct factual errors, add missing insights, or even to add fields of expertise that have not yet been addressed and that supports, extends or otherwise improves the scientific basis, the explanatory power, or the way its content can be applied.

As research project it is constantly striving to become better, more comprehensive, and more consistent with a broader knowledge base. This website is not primarily an attempt at the normal experiment driven and deductive way of science, but as an integrative inductive effort. As such it synthesizes a wealth of experimental and observational evidence into a relatively small number of basic principles (such as authority, agency, empowerment, (world) complexity, the role of fear and confidence, and personal development). At the same time, more and more parts of it will become gradually stable, purged of suboptimal of simply wrong ideas and (more) strongly supported by theory, quantitative research, and case studies.

As research project it consists of well-validated and peer-reviewed results by others in combination with not yet peer-reviewed ideas, interpretations, and hypotheses. It is up to the reader to decide how to deal with the information. Taking all of it at face value is foolish, and the same holds for dismissing it all. Doubting everything is unwieldily.

According to Aristotle

“It is the mark of an educated mind to be able to entertain a thought without accepting it.”

That is probably the wisest (and oldest) advice to approach this site.

Section overview

Open source science

How to read this site?

But is it truth?

Are you pathologically normal?

Is it science?

Who is responsible for this site?

Contact

via Geopolitics and Cognition.

Against Divisiveness: Digital  Workers of the World Unite!  A Rejoinder to César Bolaño by Christian Fuchs

Abstract

This piece is a short rejoinder to César Bolaño’s paper The Political Economy of the Internet and related articles (e.g., Comor, Foley, Huws, Reveley, Rigi and Prey, Robinson) that center around the relevance of Marx’s labor theory of value for understanding social media. I argue that Dallas Smythe’s assessment of advertising was made to distinguish his approach from the one by Baran and Sweezy. Smythe developed the idea of capital’s exploitation of the audience at a time when both feminist and anti-imperialist Marxists challenged the orthodox idea that only white  factory workers are exploited. The crucial question is how to conceptualize productive labor. This is a theoretical, normative, and political question. A mathematical example shows the importance of the “crowdsourcing” of value-production on Facebook. I also point out parallels of the contemporary debate to the Soviet question of who is a productive or unproductive worker in the Material Product System.

Keywords: Social media, Internet, digital labor, Karl Marx, Dallas Smythe, labor theory of value

The Slow Death of the Socialist International by Dan Gallin

Original post

Dan Gallin at the International Summer School

Talk at the Global Labour Institute International Summer School 2014. Video available here.

– By Dan Gallin

The Socialist International is the organization of the world’s socialist, social-democratic and labour parties, by a loose definition. Its headquarters are in London (Maritime House, Clapham).

It is the successor organization of the historical Internationals of the labour movement, the First (International Working Men’s Association) (1864-1879), the Second (Labour International) (1889-1916), which split three ways during World War I and reconstituted itself as the Labour and Socialist International (LSI) in 1923 The LSI did not survive World War II and the present Socialist International was founded in 1951 in Frankfurt as its successor.

At the last count, it had 162 member parties in 100 countries, and it is now in a deep crisis which reflects the crisis of most of its members, certainly its most influential ones.

Why is any of this important?

Because socialism has been the ideological foundation of most of the world’s trade union movement, not necessarily always in the same acceptance of the term, and today we are faced with a crisis of socialism, which is principally a crisis of the meaning of socialism.

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A frank but hopeful assessment of FLOK process by Michel Bauwens | On the Commons

Michel Bauwens, founder of the P2P Foundation, was invited to chair a research team exploring the possibilities for “fundamentally re-imagining” Ecuadorian socity on the basis of commoning, open networks and peer production.  The Quito-based project sought ideas from people of all walks of life for 10 months, and released their Transition Plan (available in English here)  in June. Bauwens offers his personal analysis of the process below.

(A chart from the Ecuador Transition Plan by Michel Bauwens)

From now on, a concrete third way that is different from both statism and neoliberalism, does exist and can be discussed.

I was director of the FLOK research team, [which in late June finished up its work sponsored by the government of Ecuador to “fundamentally re-imagine” the country based on the principles of the commons]. Many people have asked about my assessment of the results of the process. The FLOK process was a complex process and the assessment can only be complex as well.

One of the first questions, and critiques, is about the relationship with the government itself.

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#ISS14: Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and the Trade Union Movement 7 July 2014

#ISS14: Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism and the Trade Union Movement

Talk by Asbjørn Wahl, Fagforbundet (Norwegian Union of Municipal and General Employees) and Bill Fletcher, American Federation of Government Employees

How do we revive the global union movement?

– By Josiah Mortimer

The global labour movement is at a crossroads.

Bill Fletcher. Picture by Leif Martin Green

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#ISS14: The International Trade Union Movement  7 July 2014 – By Dave Spooner

A brief guided tour around the political and organisational landscape of the movement – for participants new to international trade union discussions.

Highlights

  • Dave Spooner explains it’s very hard to find an example of the ITUC’s concept of ‘decent work’ in today’s economy
  • The ILO was formed in 1919 in response to the Russian Revolution – Dave Spooner describes it as a ‘theatre of class warfare’!
  • Some unions are turning to the World Federation of Trade Unions, however problematic, in a search for class-based unionism
  • Climate change is one of the most pressing issues workers face globally
  • Most European trade union structures are dependent on EU finance, which can be difficult under neoliberalism says Dave Spooner
  • Passing a pro-worker motion in the ILO is just the ‘beginning of the battle’ before state ratification says GLI chair Dave Spooner
  • ‘Domestic workers have faced enormous abuse across the world’
  • There is a tension within unions as to whether the labour movement should be anti-capitalist – an issue we will have to face
  • Precarious work is on the rise in the global north. How should unions organise those workers?
  • ‘Gone are the days when a union official could knock on the door of a factory, talk to the manager and then have a union’
  • Everybody was an informal worker before the trade union movement – it was only through organising that employment standards rose
  • Unions across the world are questioning their relationships with ‘social democratic’ parties which have become more neoliberal
  • ITUC General Secretary Sharan Burrow has described the situation for unions across the globe as a ‘labour war’ by neoliberalism
  • Delegate: neoliberalism is ‘capitalism without working-class opposition’ – a political project against workers

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Can Bourgeois Democratic Revolution 2.0 Happen without Turning the Earth to Venus?

Pillar10-History-French-Revolution-Delacroix

There are major differences yet again major similarities between what happened in 1648’s Britain, late 1776’s America, and 1789’s France when popular bourgeoisie democratic revolutions were taking place. Today we observe similar great-power-hand-over approaching between ruling classes, cluster of class fractions, this time at a global scale.

Working class forming itself at the global level as well. While highest-skill knowledge and ICT managers are forming a new labour aristocracy, who are both willing to and capable to enter alliances with the emerging silicon-valley capitalists running Google, Facebook, Twitter, and also preparing to take over from Apple and Microsoft’s midway (Gates-Jobs) generation. But also envisaging new forms of socio-political systems, like ‘distributed and commons based ‘minarcies’. A fierce dog-fight is taking place right now amongst the layers of the networks of the emerging new elite class. Yet a bigger fight is in between this new class and the layers of the ‘old boys capitalist networks’, which have been formed by the rulers of the military-industrial-financial-complexes of the industrial era.

What the recent scandals like PRISM, NSA, GCHQ displayed however is that these new players are gaining a massive structural power, giving them superiority and higher position vis-à-vis their counterparts. They gain the ability to play the most aesthetical, like being the voice of the youth and innocent, providing tools for participation, democracy, and revolution; they also claim to be caring for and having solutions in mind for the climate change. Of course all this is bull shit, they do not, but they have the position to bring this claims on. The new class has been playing out this structural position well in these dog fights, by employing the advantageous negotiation power with and over ‘the State’.

Mass scale civil-popular surveillance [meta-data] machine is much more powerful, operational and also cheaper then the systems that could have been developed and employed by the State elite. The information, intelligence, and access to sensitive personal knowledge is a great advantage in the framework capitalistic competition in the market as well. In the fight over who will hold the state, it meant that the new elite can promise more soft and hegemonic political power to the state elite then the old boys capitalists could do by using the monetary and military means. For instance, think of the influence would critical intelligence -formed based on personal sensitive information which can be traced by these Nasdaq companies- could make on the stock markets, deploying the viral power of social networks. It is sure that it can be bigger than the buy-sell power of large hedge funds.

All these fights has generated immense tension and destruction in all the realms, of economy, finance, politics, culture, nature, so on. What was appearing as a global ‘economic crisis’ to our eyes, after being filtered by the mass media serving to the old boys ruling classes, were the tensions and destructions caused by the fight. This time, however, all these selfish and childhood fights between these ignorant and savage classes has generated a positive feedback cycle that leads the planet towards an end that will not distinguish between the ruler and the ruled. The overlapping crises are leading us towards what can be called the ‘Venusization of the Earth’. Which means that the massive carbon emission, caused by the destructive forces of the economic structure works for the ruling classes, might any time trigger a irreversible chain reaction by releasing more and more carbon molecules to the atmosphere. Turning it to a very tight greenhouse effect keeping the heat generated by the sun light and warming up Earth’s surface rapidly. This will vaporize the oceans, sees, drinkable water on and near the surface; destroy the plants, all vegetables, so there will be no Oxygen left. Although there were no human intervention, this is exactly what happened to planet Venus.

This scenario unfortunately comes closer to reality every day, because of the amount of carbon the system releases to keep going with its exploitation of the nature. It is almost hundred percent certain that this course will be ending the entire life-cycle on Earth for once and for all, with no turning back, before we see any bourgeoisie revolution 2.0, which aims at more democratic and distributed capitalism, happening. The wars and civil wars this fierce competition started off is spreading, while they kill innocent people and children they also bring accelerated carbon release with every bomb dropped, in every sabotaged pipe line, and every burning oil station. When the nuclear arsenal enter the picture, this will mean a rapid end, for humanity including those elite, if it possible at all to see these people as Humans.

Global Labour Journal Special Issue: Analysing Labour and the Crisis: Challenges, Responses and New Avenues

guest edited by Mònica Clua-Losada and Laura Horn

Global_LabourFrontmatter

Articles

Online Preparatory Meeting for the ‘Organizing Digital Labour and Digital Labour Organizing Workshop’ at Global Solidarity Conference

When: 10:00, 14 May 2014

Where: BigBlueButton

Preparatory and test call for planning the ‘Organizing digital labour & digital labour organizing’ workshop. The actual workshop is being planned to take place in Berlin between 23-25 May 2014, during  Labour Start‘s 5. Global Solidarity Conference.

Original Post

To open up the preparation process for the workshop as wide as possible and to allow those interested online participants to test and practice with the online system we will be using, we will be making several test conference calls in coming days. The first call will take place on Wednesday 14 May, between 10.00 am and 15.00 pm [UK time], so wider global participation will be possible during the day.

The draft description of the workshop, which we be taken as the starting point, can be found at ‘Union Upgrading’ Group Wiki created on Organizing Network -which we will be testing and using to document the workshop and the preperation, and to take the minutes. If you like to participate the preparatory call, and the workshop itself please add your name, affiliation, contact information, and any ideas or suggestion of yours on the wiki and click on ‘Save’. In order to be able to use all the functions of the Organizing Network, for instance the wiki, you will need to register first. Please read the user guide for the ON here.

The test call is open to all unionists, labour organizers, social justice activists, free information and knowledge [h]activists, researchers who are interested in and experienced on the topic. The call is especially set up for those who wish to actively collaborate in the preparation of the content of the workshop, and who needs to practice with the digital tools we will be using.

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Interview with Kees van der Pijl: Global Rivalries Today

By Orsan Senalp , Mehmet Senalp – 15 Apr 14

How have global rivalries shaped the world we live in, and how do they continue to affect the way some of the most crucial geopolitical decisions of our time are made? In this interview with renowned political scientist Kees van der Pijl, we look at some of the most pivotal events of recent years, from 9/11 to the Arab Spring and the current crisis in Ukraine, to reveal the surprising underlying forces at work.

original post

Kees van der Pijl

Introductory question: Since more or less the beginning of the neoliberal offensive in the 1970s, you have been leading important research and theoretical work on the Atlantic ruling class, international capitalist class formation, transnational capitalist classes and the global rivalries amongst capitalist classes which finally triggered a massive global economic crisis in 2007. Throughout the past decade you have been extremely productive, publishing a notable amount on these topics. In addition to numerous articles, your bookGlobal Rivalries was published in 2006, followed by Nomads, Empires, States andThe Foreign Encounter in Myth and Religion in 2007 and 2010 respectively. The first and second volumes of your Modes of Foreign Relations and Political Economytrilogy were also published. The last volume The Discipline of Western Supremacywas just recently released. Besides this classical body of work, which in our opinion is on a par with Polanyi’s Great Transformation, you have written and updated a free web-textbook on Global Political Economy. Last year also saw the release of a reprint of The Making of an Atlantic Ruling Class. Currently you are editing a very timely and exciting volume entitled International Political Economy of Production.

Kees, after seven years how do you view the current status of global rivalries amongst the ruling classes? Could you give us your account especially in relation to the grassroots uprisings that have been happening in different kinds of state-society complexes around the world following the 2007/2008 financial crisis? Do you think these were the uprisings anticipated in infamous Pentagon reports and National Security documents released on the eve of 9/11? What do you think the Atlantic ruling classes have done to prepare their response to these early warnings?

Kees van der Pijl: Historical events, as such, are never entirely anticipated, and even when planned, (such as the invasion of Iraq), they have consequences that nobody had foreseen. Of course, once events unfold, intellectual preparation will kick in, and then it depends on the quality of theoretical insight and the accuracy of contingency planning, as well as the readiness of the apparatus to put it into practice, as to– whether the planners can gain control over the course of events again. Continue reading

Venture Communism and Technological Miscommunication: a Conversation with Dmytri Kleiner

This interview with Dmytri Kleiner, conducted by KMO for his C-Realm Podcast, was transcripted by Guerrilla Translation at KMO’s request. The audio was, unfortunately, unusable for the podcast because of background noise, but the resulting interview was too good to not to share. The following is re-posted from the C-Realm blog.

KMO: You are listening to the C-Realm Podcast, I am your host, KMO, and I’m speaking with Dmytri Kleiner, venture capitalist and miscommunications technologist. Dmytri, welcome to the C-Realm Podcast.

Dmytri: Thank you, but that’s “venture communist.”

Did I say “capitalist?”

It’s an easy mistake.

You know, I’ve read the phrase “venture communist” several times in the past few hours in preparing for this interview, and yeah… it just rolled out “venture capitalist,” didn’t it?

[chuckles]

So, Dmytri Kleiner, “Venture Communist” – what does that mean?

Well, it’s sort of the name of a research project I started awhile ago. My background comes from the social justice movement of the 90s. I was part of some of the kinds of hacker groups that eventually became things like Indymedia, and stuff that we called technology affinity groups. At that time there was something going on called the dotcom boom, that you probably remember. A lot of us who were part of these hacker affinity groups supporting activist projects were working for these dotcoms.

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Castells talks on: “The Space of Autonomy: Cyberspace and Urban Space in Networked Social Movements”

February 20, 2014 – 12:21am

networks of outrage and hope

The cover of Manuel Castells’ most recent book, Networks of Outrage and Hope.

Manuel Castells “The Space of Autonomy: Cyberspace and Urban Space in Networked Social Movements”

Live notes from Manuel Castells’ February 18, 2014 talk at the Harvard Graduate School of Design. Event link: http://www.gsd.harvard.edu/#/events/lecture-manuel-castells.html

By Sasha Costanza-Chock ( http://schock.cc ) and Mine Gencel Bek

This talk was billed as follows: “Manuel Castells, University Professor and Wallis Annenberg Chair in Communication Technology and Society, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, will speak on a theme related to his recent book Networks of Outrage and Hope; Social Movements in the Internet Age (Polity Press), with further elaboration in relation to the recent movements in Brazil and Turkey.”

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‘Binding Chaos’: a vision for a compassionate society

By Nozomi Hayase On December 12, 2013

Post image for ‘Binding Chaos’: a vision for a compassionate societyHeather Marsh’s new book puts forward a challenge: how to achieve mass collaboration on a global scale and awaken what is inherently human in the heart.We live in revolutionary times of transition and significant change in the foundations of society. 2010 was a year of revelation. The publication of classified documents by WikiLeaks revealed the world of corrupt government secrecy and war crimes beneath corporate headlines, making ‘illegitimate authority’ a household term. WikiLeaks empowered the public to demand transparency and accountability of official action as a check and balance on the exercise of power. With the global legitimation crisis, new horizons opened up.

Then, in 2011, the world saw waves of dissent as grassroots activism arose into coalitions of resistance that ripped through political parties, morphing into the powerful 99% alliance. From the Arab Spring to town squares in Greece and Spain to the Occupy movement that spread around the globe, people began walking away from moneyed politics and hitting the streets in assemblies and circles of consensus.

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All the fists of the world are GNUniting! First Brainstorm – Online Meeting This Sunday at 13.00 PM GMT

All the fists of the world are GNUniting!
First Brainstorm – Online Meeting This Sunday at 13.00 PM GMT
https://www.facebook.com/GlobalNetworkedLabourUnion

We are the workers whose free labour and privacy has been stolen, and sold
for greed! We have been abused, spied on and betrayed constantly. Before
this massive exploitation and surveillance machine turns into a global
apparatus in the hands of fascism, being operationalized for direct
oppression, we have to unite our fists and strike back!

This May Day is the time… How and what is not decided yet, there are
initial ideas but much is needed to put the global collective intelligence
at work to defend our and our children’s rights and dignity! Join us this
Sunday and bring your most free, creative, powerful and peaceful ideas and
dreams along… We did beat Freon, Caesars, Barons, Kings, Emperors,
Merchants, Industrial Capitalists and Nazis in the past, we can beat the
TNCs, CEOs and 1% as well!

We call all the workers, hackers, makers, farmers, artists, indignant and
outraged to GNUnite all their constructive capacity around the most
spectacular free libre and open sourced swarm to fight back and win!

Hasta la Siempre Victoria!
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Occupy as Mutual Recognition By Richard Gunn and Adrian Wilding

Original

Recent waves of revolutionary struggle – the Occupy movement in New York and elsewhere, London on the steps of St. Pauls, Cairo at the time of Mubarak’s fall, Greece and Spain in response to neoliberalism-imposed austerity, Gezi Park in Istanbul…the list is endless – throw into relief a common issue. The issue is that of recognition. Occupy-style events and initiatives point towards a future where mutual recognition serves as a guiding thread in human interaction. The present short paper explains the sense in which this is the case.

What follows carries forward arguments made in Gunn & Wilding, ‘Revolutionary or Less-than-Revolutionary Recognition?’ and R.C. Smith, ‘In defence of Occupy’s emphasis on non-dominant, non-hierarchical organisation’.

occupy camp1. Recent revolution

In the period of struggle which opened in 2011 and which continues today, revolution presented a face which mainstream commentators found unfamiliar. Throughout most of the twentieth century, revolutionary transformation tended to be associated with the triumph of a centralised will. In the public squares and occupied sites of Cairo and Madrid and Athens and London and New York and Istanbul, however, something different was happening: the occupations ‘enacted solidarity-based horizontal networks’.[1] They turned to ‘autonomous forms of self-organization’[2] which emphasised ‘direct democracy, horizontal self-management and mutual aid’.[3] At odds with capitalist imperatives, exchange within the movements took on a not-for-profit character.[4]  In place of top-down vanguardism, struggle adopted a carnival atmosphere wherein considerations of ‘caring’ took pride of place.[5]

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